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[Pages 440-464]

Notes (cont.)

Chapter 7. Reorganization
 
774 John J Michalczyk (ed), Medicine, Ethics, and the Third Reich: Historical and Contemporary Issues (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 1994), p.42. Return
775 Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (London: Papermac, 1990), pp.93-94. Return
776 Michael Burleigh, The Third Reich: A New History (London: Pan Books, 2001), p.385. Return
777 Götz Aly, and Susanne Heim, Architects of Annihilation: Auschwitz and the Logic of Destruction (London: Phoenix, 2003), p.168. Return
778 Lifton, The Nazi Doctors, p. 142. Return
779 Joseph Tenenbaum, Race and Reich: The Story of an Epoch (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1976), p.95. Return
780 Götz Aly, Peter Chroust, Christian Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland: Nazi Medicine and Racial Hygiene (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1994), p. 15. Return
781 Ibid., p.52. Return
782 Michael Burleigh and Wolfgang Wipperman, The Racial State: Germany 1933-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p.165. Return
783 Ian Kershaw, Hitler 1936-45: Nemesis (London: Allen Lane, The Penguin Press, 2000), p.261; Israel Gutman (ed), Encyclopedia of the Holocaust (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1990), p.453. Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p. 22 claims: “…the murder of more than two hundred thousand psychiatric patients, camp inmates who had fallen ill, people suffering from major depression and nonconformists.” Paul Julian Weindling, [Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials – From Medical War Crimes to Informed Consent (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006) p.188] puts the “currently estimated” number of victims of “euthanasia” at 400,000. Return
784 Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p. 35. Return
785 Bronwyn Rebekah McFarland-Icke, Nurses in Nazi Germany (Chichester: Princeton University Press, 1999), p.212. Return
786 When Kreyssig, protested about the illegality of the “euthanasia” action, Gürtner replied: “If you cannot recognize the will of the Führer as a source of law, as a basis of law, then you cannot remain a judge.” (Kershaw, Hitler 1936-45: Nemesis, p.253-254) This was a complete reversal of Gürtner's position in 1934, when in rejecting proposals for the legalisation of euthanasia he had stated: “If we start out in this direction, it would touch on the very foundations of Christianity's teachings to humanity, it would be the fulfilment of Nietzschean thoughts.” [Dick de Mildt, In the Name of the People: Perpetrators of Genocide in the Reflection of Their Post-War Prosecution in West Germany. The `Euthanasia' and `Aktion Reinhard' Trial Cases (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1996), p.55)]. Return
787 Braune had calculated the total of fatalities from the numbers printed on the urns containing the ashes of victims which had been sent to relatives [Michael Burleigh, Ethics and extermination: Reflections on Nazi genocide, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), p.138].Return
788 Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance : `Euthanasia' in Germany c. 1900-1945 (London: Pan Books, 2002), p.160 – 166; Michael Burleigh, Political Religion and Social Evil. (Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions: Vol. 3, No. 2, 2002) 1-60l, p.32. Reinhard Rürup (ed), Topography of Terror: Gestapo, SS and Reichssicherheitshauptamt on the “Prinz-Albrecht-Terrain.” A Documentation (Berlin: Verlag Willmuth Arenhövel, 2000), p. 161. Return
789 Henry Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp. 107-108. Return
790 Robert N Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis (Cambridge Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1989), pp.196- 197. Return
791 That part of occupied Poland not annexed to the Reich or initially ceded to the Soviet Union. Return
792 Proctor, Racial Hygiene, p.199. Return
793 Ibid., p.200. Return
794 Yisrael Gutman, The Jews of Warsaw 1939-1943 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), p.60. Return
795 Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), p.229. Return
796 Isaiah Trunk, Judenrat: The Jewish Councils in Eastern Europe under Nazi Occupation (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1996), p. 145. Return
797 Ibid., pp.148-149. Return
798 Ibid., p. 153. Return
799 Yitzhak Arad, Israel Gutman and Abraham Margaliot (eds.), Documents On The Holocaust (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999)., p.408. Return
800 Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide, p.271. Return
801 Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, p.467. Return
802 Eugen Kogon, Hermann Langbein, Adalbert Rückerl (eds.), Nazi Mass Murder: A Documentary History of the Use of Poison Gas (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), p.31. Return
803 http://tinyurl.com/2vxfp8y (Accessed 25 February 2008.) Return
804 Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, pp.467-468. Return
805 Kogon, Langbein, Rückerl, Nazi Mass Murder, pp.31-32. Return
806 Proctor, Racial Hygiene, p.207. Return
807 Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p.44. It had never been a requirement for Jewish patients to meet the usual medical criteria established by T4 prior to their being murdered. No consultations or discussions were appropriate or necessary: “The total extermination of this group of asylum inmates was the logical consequence of the `radical solution' of the Jewish problem being embarked upon.” (Lifton, The Nazi Doctors, p.77). Return
808 http://tinyurl.com/2uqe9v2 (Accessed 26 June 2008). Return
809 Klemperer, Victor, I Shall Bear Witness : The Diaries of Victor Klemperer 1933-41 (London: Weidenfield & Nicolson, 1998), p.368. Return
810 Hugh Gallagher, What the Nazi “Euthanasia Program” Can Tell Us About Disability Oppression (Journal of Disability Policy Studies, Vol.12, No.2, 2001), p.97. Return
811 Robert Gellately, Backing Hitler: Consent and Coercion in Nazi Germany (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), P.104. Return
812 Von Galen had first been informed about the “euthanasia” programme more than a year earlier. (Burleigh, Ethics and extermination, p.126). Return
813 Samuel Totten, William S Parsons, Israel W Charny (eds.), Century of Genocide: Eyewitness accounts and Critical Views (New York: Routledge, 2004), p.189. Return
814 This was certainly the view of Dieter Allers: “Nobody cared about what those fellows said in church…Hardly anyone went to church anyway. All we cared about was our crust of bread and getting the war over and done with.” [Gitta Sereny, Into That Darkness - From Mercy Killing to Mass Murder (London: Pimlico, 1995), p.75)]. Which in Aller's case meant continuing to commit genocide. Return
815 Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, p.174. Return
816 http://tinyurl.com/396jbyy (Accessed 14 May 2010) Return
817 Beth Griech-Polelle, Image of a Churchman-Resister: Bishop von Galen, the Euthanasia Project and the Sermons of Summer 1941 (Journal of Contemporary History, Vol 36, No.1, 2001), p.42. This revisionist assessment of von Galen proposes that he was not the heroic resister as so often portrayed, but rather “an example of a high- ranking German clergyman who offered selective opposition to certain Nazi policies”. (Ibid., p.43.) There is particular criticism of a complete absence of any specific mention of the persecution of the Jews in von Galen's pronouncements: -In keeping with traditional Catholic teaching, von Galen could blame the Jews for their own misfortunes since they had failed to recognize the “true Messiah”. As St Augustine had written centuries earlier, Jews could be mistreated in order to be reminded of their “crime”; they did not need to be loved. Following this line of reasoning, turning a blind eye to the misfortunes of the Jews would not necessarily make one a bad person. (Ibid., p. 52).
It seems evident that if von Galen may be considered to some degree anti-Semitic, this was on traditional religious rather than racial grounds. In his defence, it has been pointed out that von Galen was highly critical of Nazi racist anti-Semitism, and maintained good relations with the Münster rabbi Fritz Leopold Steinthal, indeed going so far as to enquire after the rabbi's well-being following Kristallnacht.- [http://tinyurl.com/3ax7apr (Accessed 14 May 2010). Return
818 Burleigh, Wipperman, The Racial State, p.153. Allers quoted Brack as stating that it was expected to complete the “euthanasia” programme by July 1941 at the latest (Sereny, Into That Darkness, p.76). If that is true it is clear that Brack was referring only to the first phase of the operation. Return
819 It was assumed by the leading lights in T4 that the cessation was only temporary, and that it would soon be business as usual. Nitsche was insistent that registration of potential victims continue in readiness for a resumption of the killing. (de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.339, note 79). In March 1943, Hans and Margot Räder-Grossmann, in charge of gassing at Bernburg, wrote to Friedrich Mennecke: “It is said we will soon get a lot of work, and by the beginning of May we should know whether yes or no.” (Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p. 79). In the event, the answer was “no”. Bernburg ceased gassing operations in April 1943. Return
820 Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide, p.151. Return
821 In addition to patients with psychiatric conditions considered incurable, from August 1941 the criteria for those slated for extermination included being a “public menace”, as well as “criminality”, a “psychopathic condition”, “antisociality” and racial and social “inferiority.” (Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p.46.) This could, of course, mean almost anybody. Return
822 Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, pp. 166-167. Return
823 Ulf Schmidt, Karl Brandt: The Nazi Doctor – Medicine and Power in the Third Reich (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2007), pp. 211-212. Return
824 Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p. 64. Return
825 A 1938 article written for the Office of Racial Policy drew comparisons between two of the pariah groups in Nazi Germany – Jews and homosexuals. Like the Jews, the latter built a state within a state. They were not sick people to be pitied, or “treated”, but enemies of the state to be eliminated. (Proctor, Racial Hygiene, p.213). Return
826 Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p. 53. Return
827 Ibid., p. 70. Return
828 Ibid., p. 64. Return
829 Ibid., pp. 71-74. Return
830 Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide, p.157. Return
831 Schmidt, Karl Brandt, pp.235-236. Return
832 Kripo = Kriminalpolizei, the Criminal Police. Return
833 Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p.83. Return
834 Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, p.247. Return
835 Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p.84. Return
836 Schmidt, Karl Brandt, p.222. Return
837 Michael S Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”: Nazi Euthanasia on Trial 1945-1953 (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2005), p.89. Return
838 Ibid., p.52. Return
839 Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, p.247. Return
840 Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, pp. 86-87 Return
841 Ibid., pp. 88. Return
842 Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, p.89. Return
843 http://tinyurl.com/38ogv46 (Accessed 20 February 2008). Return
844 Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p.85. Return
845 Schmidt, Karl Brandt, p.223. Return
846 Ibid., p.233. Return
847 Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p. 76. Return
848 Ibid., pp. 81-82. Return
849 Ibid., pp. 85-86. Return
850 Burleigh, Ethics and extermination, p.128. Return
851 Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, pp.183-184. Return
852 Schmidt, Karl Brandt, p.233-234. Return
853 Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, pp. 89-91. Ludwig Trieb, administrative director of the Günzburg mental hospital was in charge of the “barracks operation.” (Ibid, p.169). Return
854 Ibid., p. 176. Return
855 http://tinyurl.com/37sueam (Accessed 25 February 2008.) Return
856 http://tinyurl.com/2vxfp8y (Accessed 25 February 2008.) Return
857 Eugen Kogon, The Theory and Practice of Hell (New York: Berkley Books, 1998), p.227. Return
858 Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.254. Return
859 Having served in the army throughout the First World War, Blome became active in extremist right-wing political movements during the Weimar years. He joined the NSDAP and SA in 1931, and advanced steadily upwards through the Nazi medical hierarchy following the Machtergreifung. (Wolfgang Uwe Eckart (ed), Man, Medicine, and the State: The Human Body as an Object of Government Sponsored Medical Research in the 20th Century (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 2006), pp.199-200). Another source dates Blome's membership of the NSDAP to 1922, which given his background seems more likely. (Ernst Klee, Das Personenlexikon zum Dritten Reich - Wer war was vor und nach 1945 (Frankfurt am Main: S.Fischer, 2005), p.54). Return
860 Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, pp 1066-1067. Emphasis added. Return
861 http://tinyurl.com/37sueam (Accessed 25 August 2008). Return
 
Chapter 8. 14f13
 
862 James Waller, Becoming Evil. How Ordinary People Commit Genocide and Mass Killing (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), p.244. Return
863 Gitta Sereny, Into That Darkness - From Mercy Killing to Mass Murder (London: Pimlico, 1995), p.77. Return
864 Henry Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp.142-150. At the Inspectorate of Concentration Camps, the category 14f included all files involving the death of prisoners. Thus,14f7 files concerned death through natural causes, 14f8 applied to suicides, 14f14 involved executions, and so on. From April 1941, 14f13 was the coded file number for the killing of prisoners in T4 centres.
There would appear to be some confusion regarding 14f categories. For example, Eugen Kogon, Hermann Langbein, Adalbert Rückerl (eds.), Nazi Mass Murder: A Documentary History of the Use of Poison Gas (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993) p.40, cites 14f1 as death from natural causes, 14f2 as suicides or accidental deaths,14f3 as shot while trying to escape, and 14fI as execution. But there is no uncertainty regarding the meaning attributed to 14f13. Return
865 Dick de Mildt, In the Name of the People: Perpetrators of Genocide in the Reflection of Their Post-War Prosecution in West Germany. The `Euthanasia' and `Aktion Reinhard' Trial Cases (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1996), p.73. Return
866 Michael Burleigh, and Wipperman, Wolfgang, The Racial State: Germany 1933-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p.161. Return Return
867 de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.73. Return
868 Wolfgang Sofsky, The Order of Terror: The Concentration Camp, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), pp.28-43. Return
869 So far as prisoners were concerned, the difference between concentration, labour and a variety of alternatively categorized camps was often one of terminology. Conditions could be just as bad whatever the classification of the camp, and often were. The fundamental characteristics of the various categories of camp were frequently not understood by the allies in the immediate post-war years, and remain vague to many today. Return
870 Miriam R Levin (ed), Cultures of Control (Amsterdam: Harwood Academic Publishers, 2000), pp.181-187. Return
871 Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide, p.145. Return
872 Robert N Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis (Cambridge Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1989), p.209. Return
873 Sofsky, The Order of Terror, pp.241-243. Return
874 de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.74 suggests this visit was to Orainienburg concentration camp. There is frequent confusion regarding the camps at Oranienburg (established 1933, closed 1934) and Sachsenhausen (established 1936), a confusion compounded by the fact that Sachsenhausen was situated on the outskirts of Oranienburg, and is sometimes referred to as Sachsenhausen- Oranienburg. From the timing of Mennecke and Steinmeyer's visit, it is clear that the reference is to Sachsenhausen. [see http://tinyurl.com/2wc47ru (Accessed 10 April 2008)]. Return
875 Approximately 2,500 pages of Mennecke's letters had been located by 1987, representing about one- third of their total number. (Götz Aly, Peter Chroust, Christian Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland: Nazi Medicine and Racial Hygiene (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1994), pp 251 and 296). Return
876 de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.74. Return
877 Ibid., p.77 Another of those probably present was Rudolf Lonauer, chief physician at Hartheim. [Mireille Horsinga-Renno, Cher oncle Georg: La bouleversante enquête d'une femme sur un médecin de la mort impuni (Strasbourg : La Nuée Bleue, 2006), p.100]. Return
878 The gas chamber building in Dachau was not erected until 1942. [Harold Marcuse, Legacies of Dachau. The Uses and Abuses of a Concentration Camp, 1933-2001 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p.11]. Trial gassings of at least two groups of prisoners were conducted there between summer 1942 and spring 1945, but Dachau was never an extermination camp in the sense attributed to the Aktion Reinhard and certain other camps. (Ibid., p.46, p.254). Return
879 Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance : `Euthanasia' in Germany c. 1900-1945 (London: Pan Books, 2002), p.219. Return
880 Kogon, Langbein, Rückerl Nazi Mass Murder, p.41. Return
881 Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, p.219. Return
882 de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p77. Return
883 Ibid., p.341, note139. Return
884 Joseph Tenenbaum, Race and Reich: The Story of an Epoch (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1976), p.93; Harry Stein, Buchenwald concentration camp 1937-1945: a guide to the permanent historical exhibition (Göttingen: Gedenkstätte Buchenwald, Wallstein Verlag, 2004), p.124. Return
885 Proctor, Racial Hygiene, p.208. Return
886 Eugen Kogon, The Theory and Practice of Hell (New York: Berkley Books, 1998), p.226. Return
887 de Mildt, In the Name of the People, pp.74-75. Return
888 Ibid., p.74. Return
889 Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (London: Papermac, 1990), pp. 139-142; Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, pp.216-220; Kogon, Mass Murder, p.40 ff. Return
890 Tenenbaum, Race and Reich, p.443, note 11. Return
891 Kogon, Langbein, Rückerl Nazi Mass Murder, p.49. Hartheim was now known as “the Dachau sanatorium” (Ibid.) Return
892 de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.77. Return
893 Kogon, Langbein, Rückerl Nazi Mass Murder, pp. 50-51. Return
894 Paul Julian Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials – From Medical War Crimes to Informed Consent (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p.252. Return
895 Ulf Schmidt, Karl Brandt: The Nazi Doctor – Medicine and Power in the Third Reich (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2007), p.236. Return
896 de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.78 states that the number of victims of 14f13 “must have run into tens of thousands.” Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.250 estimates “50,000 concentration camp prisoners killed” between April 1941 and 1944. Return
 
Chapter 9. Aktion Reinhard
 
897 Rudolf Reder, Belzec (Oswiecim: Fundacja Judaica Panstwowe Muzeum Oswiecim-Brzezinka, 1999), p.107. Return
898 Martin Gilbert, The Holocaust: The Jewish Tragedy (London: Collins, 1986), p.308. Return
899 Ulf Schmidt, Karl Brandt: The Nazi Doctor – Medicine and Power in the Third Reich (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2007), p.166. Return
900 Peter Longerich, The Unwritten Order: Hitler's Role in the Final Solution (Stroud: Tempus Publishing Limited, 2003), p. 82. Return
901 Christopher R Browning, The Origins of the Final Solution: The Evolution of Nazi Jewish Policy, September 1939 – March 1942 (London: William Heinemann, 2004), p. 115. Return
902 Yitzhak Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: The Operation Reinhard Death Camps (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), p.17. Return
903 Browning, The Origins of the Final Solution, p.362. Return
904 Robin O'Neil, Belzec: Stepping Stone to Genocide (New York: JewishGen Inc, 2008), pp.93-94; Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, p.18. Return
905 Ibid., p.93 Return
906 Browning, The Origins of the Final Solution, p.362 Return
907 Eichmann stated that Heydrich's words were: “Go and see Globocnik, the Führer has already given him instructions.” This suggests that Globocnik has received his orders direct from Hitler, which was quite possible, but given the chain of command and the need to disassociate Hitler from direct involvement in mass murder, it seems more likely that Globocnik, who was very much Himmler's man, received his orders from the Reichsführer. Return
908 Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, p.37. Return
909 Jochen von Lang and Claus Sibyll, Eichmann Interrogated: Transcripts from the Archives of the Israeli Police, (New York: Da Capo Press, 1999), pp.75-76. Return
910 O'Neil, Belzec, pp.88-89. Return
911 http://tinyurl.com/375tulj (Accessed 11 October 2009). Return
912 Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, p.26. Return
913 Browning, The Origins of the Final Solution, p.529, n.251. Return
914 Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, p.26. Return
915 Eugen Kogon, Hermann Langbein, Adalbert Rückerl (eds.), Nazi Mass Murder: A Documentary History of the Use of Poison Gas (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), pp.52-53. Return
916 http://tinyurl.com/2ungf5n (Accessed 11 October 2009). Return
917 Jules Schelvis, Sobibor – A History of a Nazi Death Camp (Oxford: Berg, 2007), p.27. Return
918 Ernst Klee, Willi Dressen, Volker Riess (eds.), The Good Old Days – The Holocaust as Seen by Its Perpetrators and Bystanders (New York: Konecky & Konecky, 1991), pp.228-230. Emphasis added. Return
919 It is interesting to note that the conference concluded with “a discussion of the various possible forms which the solution [meaning extermination] might take.” [Yitzhak Arad, Israel Gutman and Abraham Margaliot (eds.), Documents On The Holocaust (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999), p.261.] Even at this late stage different killing options were still under consideration. Return
920 http://tinyurl.com/3xgbb9w (Accessed 11 October 2009). Return
921 Browning, The Origins of the Final Solution, pp. 362-365. There had been a Jewish labour camp at Belzec between early 1940 and October of that year, when the camp was disbanded. [Arad, Belzec, p.23]. Return
922 Schelvis, Sobibor, p.26 Return
923 Longerich, The Unwritten Order, p. 130. Return
924 Dick de Mildt, In the Name of the People: Perpetrators of Genocide in the Reflection of Their Post-War Prosecution in West Germany. The `Euthanasia' and `Aktion Reinhard' Trial Cases (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1996), p.240. Return
925 Ibid., pp.231-233. Return
926 O'Neil, Belzec, p.115. Return
927 Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, p.25. Return
928 de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.229, p.382, n.23. Return
929 Kogon, Langbein, Rückerl, Nazi Mass Murder, pp.74-75. Return
930 Ernst Klee, “Euthanasie” im NS-Staat: Die “Vernichtung lebensunwerten Lebens” (Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1991), p.418. Return
931 O'Neil, Belzec, p. 92. Return
932 Henry Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp.296-297. Return
933 O'Neil, Belzec, p. 118. Return
934 Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, p.18. Return
935 O'Neil, Belzec, p. 93. Return
936 http://tinyurl.com/32fkysd (Accessed 14 October 2009). Return
 
Chapter 10. Himmler and Eugenics
 
937 Peter Padfield, Himmler: Reichsführer-SS (London: Papermac, 1990), p.101. Return
938 Gerwin Strobl, The Bard of Eugenics: Shakespeare and Racial Activism in the Third Reich (Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 34, no.3, 1999), p.335. Return
939 Götz Aly, and Susanne Heim, Architects of Annihilation: Auschwitz and the Logic of Destruction (London: Phoenix, 2003), pp 74-75. Return
940 Hitler's allocation of “euthanasia” activities to the KdF was apparently a source of some irritation to Himmler, writing as he did to Bouhler and Brack in December 1940 on receipt of the letter from von Löwis concerning the evidence of killing at Grafeneck: “If operation T4 had been entrusted to the SS, things would have happened differently…When the Führer entrusts us with a job, we know how to deal with it correctly, without causing useless uproar among the people.” [Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (London: Papermac, 1990), p.95]. Return
941 Horst Biesold, Crying Hands: Eugenics and Deaf People in Nazi Germany (Washington: Gallaudet University Press, 1999), p. 160. Return
942 The formal name of the organisation was Studiengesellschaft für Geistesurgeschichte‚ Deutsches Ahnenerbe e.V. (`Study Society for Primordial Intellectual History, German Ancestral Heritage [registered society]'). In 1937 it was renamed Forschungs- und Lehrgemeinschaft das Ahnenerbe e.V. (`Research and Teaching Community of the Ancestral Heritage [registered society]'). Return
943 Wolfram Sievers was born in 1905 in Hildesheim; he joined the Nazi party in 1928/1929 and the SS in 1935. A defendant at the Nuremberg Medical Trial, accused of aiding in the acquisition of skeletons for August Hirt's Strasbourg collection, as well involvement in human medical experiments at Dachau and Natzweiler, Sievers was sentenced to death. He was executed on 2 June 1948. [Ernst Klee, Das Personenlexikon zum Dritten Reich - Wer war was vor und nach 1945 (Frankfurt am Main: S.Fischer, 2005), p.583]. Return
944 Padfield, Himmler, p.171. Return
945 Ibid., pp.374-376. Equally fatal tests were also conducted at Dachau concerning the potability of sea water. All branches of the military had an interest in these medical experiments, which despite often resulting in the death of the prisoners selected, had little or no practical value. Among other objections, the physical condition of concentration camp inmates could in no way be compared to that of healthy young serving soldiers, sailors or airmen. [Alexander Mitscherlich and Fred Mielke, Doctors of Infamy: The Story of the Nazi Medical Crimes (New York: Henry Schuman, 1949), pp.4-41]. Return
946 Padfield, Himmler, p.437. Return
947 http://tinyurl.com/343o3gt (Accessed 29 May 2008). Return
948 Guenter Lewy, Himmler and the `Racially Pure Gypsies' (Journal of Contemporary History, Vol 34(2), 1999),, p.204. Return
949 Paul Julian Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials – From Medical War Crimes to Informed Consent (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p.51. Return
950 Ibid., p.187. Hirt was also extensively involved in the mustard gas experiments. (Mitscherlich and Mielke, Doctors of Infamy, p. 76). Return
951 Mitscherlich and Mielke, Doctors of Infamy, pp. 81-89. Return
952 http://tinyurl.com/36szy2o (Accessed 15 January 2009). Return
953 Saul Friedländer, The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1939-1945 (New York: HarperCollins, 2007), p.166. Return
954 Michael Burleigh and Wolfgang Wipperman, The Racial State: Germany 1933-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p.121. Return
955 Ulrich Herbert (ed), National Socialist Extermination Policies – Contemporary German Perspectives and Controversies (New York: Berghahn Books, 2000), p.191. Although the Nuremberg laws had been directed primarily against Jews, the Minister of the Interior, Wilhelm Frick, had pointed out that there were others who contaminated the purity of the race – “Gypsies, Negroes, and their bastards.” (Lewy, Himmler and the `Racially Pure Gypsies', p.201.) Return
956 Lewy, Himmler and the `Racially Pure Gypsies', p.201. Return
957 Ibid., p.202. Return
958 Burleigh and Wipperman, The Racial State, p.125. Return
959 Ibid., pp. 113-125. Return
960 Michael Berenbaum and Abraham J Peck (eds.), The Holocaust and History: The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed, and the Reexamined (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), p.321. Return
961 Herbert, National Socialist Extermination Policies, p.201 Return
962 Lewy, Himmler and the `Racially Pure Gypsies', p.209. Return
963 Ibid., p.202. Return
964 Ibid., p.209. Return
965 Robert Gellately, and Nathan Stoltzfus (eds.), Social Outsiders in Nazi Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), p.226. Return
966 Lewy, Himmler and the `Racially Pure Gypsies', p.210. Return
967 Berenbaum and Peck, The Holocaust and History, p.321. Return
968 Roderick Stackelberg and Sally Anne Winkle, The Nazi Germany Sourcebook: An Anthology of Texts (London: Routledge, 2002), p.200. Return
969 The wives of SS-men were of course admitted without recourse to such testing. They had already been pre-approved by Himmler's consent to their marriage. Return
970 Burleigh and Wipperman, The Racial State, p.274. Return
971 Padfield, Himmler, p.166. Return
972 Jill Stephenson, Women in Nazi Germany (Harlow: Pearson Education Limited, 2001), p.39. Return
973 Padfield, Himmler, p.202. Return
974 Ibid., p.477. Return
975 Ibid., pp.279-280. Return
976 Ibid., p.368. Return
977 http://tinyurl.com/34rgvp8 (Accessed 27 September 2009). Return
978 Kjersti Ericsson and Eva Simonsen, On the Border: The contested children of the Second World War (Childhood, Vol. 15, No.3, 2008), p.399. Return
979 Ibid., p. 402. Return
980 Ibid., p.402. Return
981 Padfield, Himmler, pp.302-303. Return
982 Ibid., p.387. Return
983 An interesting sidelight on the ignorance of the British Foreign Office regarding conditions in occupied Europe are the comments by Victor Frederick William Cavendish-Bentinck, chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee, appended in August 1943 to a Polish report on Nazi barbarism:
In my opinion it is incorrect to describe Polish Information regarding German atrocities as `trustworthy'. The Poles, and to a far greater extent the Jews, tend to exaggerate German atrocities in order to stoke us up. They seem to have succeeded…I do not believe that there is any evidence which would be accepted in a Law Court that Polish children have been killed on the spot by Germans when their parents were being deported to work in Germany, nor that Polish children have been sold to German settlers. As regards putting Poles to death in gas chambers, I do not believe that there is any evidence that this has been done… [van Pelt, Robert Jan, The Case for Auschwitz – Evidence from the Irving Trial (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002),p.127]. Return
984 Burleigh and Wipperman, The Racial State, pp 65-73. Return
985 Franciszek Piper and Teresa Swiebocka, Auschwitz Nazi Death Camp (Oswiecim: The Auschwitz-Birkenau State Museum in Oswiecim, 1996), p.89. Return
986 Brack's claimed involvement in the so-called “Madagascar Plan” was at best an exaggeration, if not a downright lie. The idea of using Madagascar as a place to dump European Jews had been mooted by anti-Semites as early as 1885. A Polish commission visited the island in 1937 to investigate the possibility of forcibly settling Jews there. In Nazi circles, the suggestion had first been put forward as a supposedly serious option in June 1940 by the “Jewish expert” in the Foreign Office, Franz Rademacher. [Christopher R Browning, The Path to Genocide: Essays on Launching the Final Solution (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997) p.18]. Eichmann at the RSHA was contemporaneously putting together an SS version of the scheme which Heydrich forwarded to the Foreign Office in August 1940. The idea had been circulating among the Party hierarchy long before this totally impractical proposal surfaced in detailed form. In a diary note made two years earlier, Goebbels mentioned a discussion of this very subject with Hitler. Other leading Nazis like Alfred Rosenberg and Julius Streicher were also considering the Madagascar option in 1938. [Michael Wildt, An Uncompromising Generation – The Nazi Leadership of the Reich Security Main Office (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2009), pp.248-249]. What is certain is that the “Madagascar Plan” was a subject well-known not only to high ranking Nazis, but even to the potential deportees. In a diary note of 7 July 1940, Victor Klemperer recorded the comment of a friend as a rumour spread that the British government had fallen: “Now they'll make peace and we'll be packed off to Madagascar.” [Victor Klemperer, I Shall Bear Witness : The Diaries of Victor Klemperer 1933-41 (London: Weidenfield & Nicolson, 1998), p.332]. Return
987 Proctor, Racial Hygiene, p.206 Return
988 Ulf Schmidt, Karl Brandt: The Nazi Doctor – Medicine and Power in the Third Reich (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2007), p.153. Return
989 Dick de Mildt, Dick, In the Name of the People: Perpetrators of Genocide in the Reflection of Their Post-War Prosecution in West Germany. The `Euthanasia' and `Aktion Reinhard' Trial Cases (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1996), pp 384-385, note 40. Return
990 Ibid., pp.238-239. Return
991 Lifton, The Nazi Doctors, p.280. Return
992 Ibid., p.275. Pokorny (also somewhat confusingly described as a Sudeten Volksdeutsch), whose former wife was Jewish (they divorced in 1935), was among those indicted at the Medical Trial in Nuremberg. He was acquitted of participation in the sterilisation programme. His half-Jewish children arrived in Great Britain on a June 1939 Kindertransport. (Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.166). Return
993 Mitscherlich and Mielke, Doctors of Infamy, pp.133-134. Return
994 Piper and Swiebocka, Auschwitz Nazi Death Camp, p.89. Return
995 Rudolf Brandt, Himmler's personal adjutant, testified that experiments with Caladium seguinum were made on concentration camp inmates. A report of 24 August 1942 from Karl Gund, Deputy Gauleiter of Niederdonau (Lower Austria) refers to the possibility of the “necessary investigations and human experiments” being made on the inmates of the Gypsy camp at Lackenbach in Niederdonau, but no details of any such experiments have emerged to date. (Mitscherlich and Mielke, Doctors of Infamy, Medical Crimes, pp 133-135). Return
996 Yisrael Gutman and Michael Berenbaum (eds.), Anatomy of the Auschwitz Death Camp (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998), pp. 304-307. Return
997 A female prisoner-doctor who spent a year in block 10 described it as a place that was somewhere between hell and a mental institution. (Lifton, The Nazi Doctors, p.270). Return
998 Ibid., p.273. Return
999 Piper and Swiebocka, Auschwitz Nazi Death Camp, p.90. Return
1000 Padfield, Himmler, p.333. Return
1001 Piper and Swiebocka, Auschwitz Nazi Death Camp, p.91 Return
1002 Israel Gutman (ed), Encyclopedia of the Holocaust (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1990), p.302. Return
1003 Lifton, The Nazi Doctors, p.277-278. Return
1004 There were no functioning gas chambers in Auschwitz at that time. The first gassing experiments with Zyklon B were conducted in the basement of block 11 of the Stammlager in late summer 1941. Shortly thereafter the former mortuary attached to the camp crematorium was converted to form the first camp gas chamber proper [Crematorium I]. (Piper and Swiebocka, Auschwitz Nazi Death Camp, pp.157-159). Return
1005 Lifton, The Nazi Doctors, p.280. Return
1006 Henry Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), p.198. Return
1007 The machinery was operated by Schumann personally. (Padfield, Himmler, p.439). Return
1008 Piper and Swiebocka, Auschwitz Nazi Death Camp, pp.91-94. Return
1009 Gutman and Berenbaum, Anatomy of the Auschwitz Death Camp, p.308. Return
1010 Lifton, The Nazi Doctors, p.277. Return
1011 Gutman and Berenbaum, Anatomy of the Auschwitz Death Camp, p.308 Return
1012 Piper and Swiebocka, Auschwitz Nazi Death Camp, p.94. Return
 
Chapter 11. Retribution
 
1013 Ulf Schmidt, Karl Brandt: The Nazi Doctor – Medicine and Power in the Third Reich (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2007), p.245. Return
1014 Saul Friedländer, The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1939-1945 (New York: HarperCollins, 2007), p.74. Return
1015 Benno Müller-Hill, Murderous Science: Elimination by Scientific Selection of Jews, Gypsies, and Others in Germany 1933-1945 (Woodbury: Cold Spring Harbor Laboratory Press, 1998), p.24. Return
1016 Eugène Aroneanu, Inside the Concentration Camps: Eyewitness Accounts of Life in Hitler's Death Camps (Westport: Praeger, 1996) p.xvii. Return
1017 It has been estimated that nurses intentionally killed more than 10,000 individuals during the Nazi epoch. [Susan Benedict and Jochen Kuhla, Nurses' Participation in the Euthanasia Programs of Nazi Germany (Western Journal of Nursing Research, Vol. 21(2), 1999), p.246]. Return
1018 Bronwyn Rebekah McFarland-Icke, Nurses in Nazi Germany (Chichester: Princeton University Press, 1999), p.147-148 Return
1019 Benedict and Kuhla, Nurses Participation in the Euthanasia Programs of Nazi Germany, pp. 255-258. Return
1020 Michael S Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”: Nazi Euthanasia on Trial 1945-1953 (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2005), p 213. The judgement stated that, in the opinion of the court, the defendants “on the basis of their education and activity had developed limitless trust in the doctors and also, on account of their mental rigidity, were equipped with only a below-average critical capacity.” (McFarland-Icke, Nurses, p.11). Return
1021 Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance : `Euthanasia' in Germany c. 1900-1945 (London: Pan Books, 2002), p.238. Return
1022 McFarland-Icke, Nurses in Nazi Germany, pp.222-223. Return
1023 Sylvia Anne Hoskins, Nurses and National Socialism - a Moral Dilemma: One Historical Example of a Route to Euthanasia (Nursing Ethics, 12 (1), 2005), p.87. Return
1024 Ernst Klee, Das Personenlexikon zum Dritten Reich - Wer war was vor und nach 1945 (Frankfurt am Main: S.Fischer, 2005), p.286. Return
1025 Robert N Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine Under the Nazis (Cambridge Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1989), pp. 65- 66. Return
1026 Ibid., p.94. Return
1027 Paul Julian Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials – From Medical War Crimes to Informed Consent (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), p.252. Return
1028 Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, p.103. Return
1029 http://tinyurl.com/3999v3m (Accessed 4 January 2007). Return
1030 Although, in the main, attention then and thereafter was focused on evidence at the Medical Trial concerning medical experiments on involuntary human patients, Taylor had no doubt that all medical atrocities were linked as part of an overall genocidal strategy, with both sterilisation and “euthanasia” providing essential components of the policy. (Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, pp. 5-6). Return
1031 Donald Bloxham, The Final Solution: A Genocide (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), p.201. Return
1032 Götz Aly, Peter Chroust, Christian Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland: Nazi Medicine and Racial Hygiene (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1994), p. xiii Return
1033 Guido Bolaffi, Raffaele Bracalenti, Peter Braham, Sandro Gindro, (eds.) Dictionary of Race, Ethnicity & Culture, (London: Sage Publications, 2003), p.xviii. Return
1034 http://tinyurl.com/3yjsx8r (Accessed 6 February 2009). The ruling regarding jurisdiction only applied where alleged crimes were restricted to a specific geographical region (Schmidt, Karl Brandt, p.339). Return
1035 Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.308. Return
1036 Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, p 113. Return
1037 Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.161. Return
1038 Peter E Quint, The Imperfect Union: Constitutional Structures of German Unification (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997), p.185. Despite the thousands of death sentences handed down by them as servants of a criminal regime, few if any of these Nazi jurists were convicted of wrongdoing by the courts of the Federal Republic. Return
1039 Donald Bloxham, Genocide on Trial: War Crimes Trials and the Formation of Holocaust History and Memory (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003), p.201 The eminent German jurist Ernst Müller-Meiningen commented in 1958: Would it have been possible to avoid this entire dung-hill cleaning? Only if one had fundamentally reorganized the courts at war's end – by replacing personnel – and had handed the administration of justice over to a new generation. Because this was not possible at the time, the undeniable and inextricable film of past injustice stills clings to us. As before, this places the German rule of law in question.
[Philipp Gassert and Alan E Steinweis (eds.), Coping With the Nazi Past: West German Debates on Nazism and Generational Conflict 1955-1975 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), p.53]. Return
1040 Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.33. The IMT Charter defined crimes against humanity as “…murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation, and other inhumane acts committed against any civilian population, before or during the war, or persecutions on political, racial, or religious grounds in execution of or in connection with any crime within the jurisdiction of the Tribunal, whether or not in violation of domestic law of the country where perpetrated.” (Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, p.71). Return
1041 Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, p.104. Return
1042 Eugène Aroneanu, Inside the Concentration Camps: Eyewitness Accounts of Life in Hitler's Death Camps (Westport: Praeger, 1996) p.xii. Return
1043 Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.47. Return
1044 http://tinyurl.com/2uhn4bv (Accessed 5 January 2008). Return
1045 Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, p.81. Return
1046 http://tinyurl.com/3x3da7z (Accessed 22 December 2009). Return
1047 Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, pp 63 – 106. Return
1048 http://tinyurl.com/38mew34 (Accessed 5 January 2008). Return
1049 Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, pp 78 – 80. Return
1050 It was not until 1998 that the International Criminal Court defined enforced sterilisation performed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population as a “crime against humanity”. (Anne-Marie De Brouwer, Supranational Criminal Prosecution of Sexual Violence: the ICC and the practice of the ICTY and the ICTR (Mortsel: Intersentia 2005), p.85). Return
1051 Not the least of the problems facing the allies in considering this question was the fact that similar sterilisation laws had recently been upheld in the United States. (Proctor, Racial Hygiene, p.117). This point was not lost on the defendants at the Nuremberg Medical Trial, who made much of alleged allied hypocrisy. (Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, pp. 201-203, p.241). Return
1052 Ann Tusa and John Tusa, The Nuremberg Trial (London: Macmillan Publishers Limited, 1984), p.504. Return
1053 Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, p.85. A significant number of statutes contained in title 18 U.S. Code are concerned with various aspects of conspiracy as an indictable offence. See also the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (commonly referred to as RICO Act or RICO), a United States federal law that provides for extended penalties for criminal acts performed as part of an ongoing criminal organisation. [John Madinger, Money Laundering: A Guide for Criminal Investigators (Boca Raton: CRC Press, 2006), p.92.] Return
1054 Alexander Mitscherlich and Fred Mielke, Doctors of Infamy: The Story of the Nazi Medical Crimes (New York: Henry Schuman, 1949), p.3; Tusa and Tusa, The Nuremberg Trial, p.417; Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials, p.201. Return
1055 In 1946, 70 percent of the German population approved of war crimes trials. By 1950 an equal percentage opposed them. (Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death” p.109.) Return
1056 Bloxham, Genocide on Trial pp 153 - 161 Return
1057 David S Wyman (ed), The World Reacts to the Holocaust (Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press, 1996), p.612. Return
1058 Ibid., p.613. Return
1059 Ibid., p.717. Return
1060 Bloxham, Genocide on Trial, p.162. Return
1061 The suspicion remains that the West German legal code was deliberately manipulated and where necessary amended to benefit those who were likely to be accused of criminal offences committed during the Nazi era. (Michael Wildt, An Uncompromising Generation – The Nazi Leadership of the Reich Security Main Office (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2009), p.417). However, following the trial of John Demjanjuk in 2011 the definition of “criminal guilt” and “perpetrator” was changed. German courts are no longer required to prove that an accused was responsible for or had been directly involved in a Nazi-era related crime. Mere presence at the time and place a crime was committed is now sufficient to make the accused an accessory to that crime and therefore culpable of a criminal offence. Return
1062 Bloxham, Genocide on Trial, p.201 Return
1063 Wildt, An Uncompromising Generation, p.415. Return
1064 Philipp Gassert and Alan E Steinweis (eds.), Coping With the Nazi Past: West German Debates on Nazism and Generational Conflict 1955-1975 (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), p.59. Return
1065 Wildt, An Uncompromising Generation, p.537, note 32. Return
1066 Ibid., p.412. Return
1067 I am indebted to Dick de Mildt for providing this explanation of the Schwurgericht and Bundesgerichtshof. Return
1068 Wyman, The World Reacts to the Holocaust, p.505. Return
1069 One estimate puts the number of individuals convicted of crimes associated with the Nazi regime at 50,000. (Proctor, Racial Hygiene, p.401, note 4). No source is quoted for this figure, which presumably refers to the global total of convictions. Caution should be exercised when considering the reliability of any such statistics. For example, in the Soviet occupied zone of Germany alone, nearly 18,000 individuals were sentenced in secret post-war proceedings, some of which, it is believed, were motivated by political rather than judicial considerations. These were, of course, in addition to the well publicized public trials of those accused of Nazi crimes. (de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.19). Return
1070 de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.20. Although the Federal Republic of Germany was not formally established until 1949, for the sake of convenience, the area that comprised the American, British, and French zones of occupation between 1945 and 1949, and the post 1989 unified West and East German States, are referred to here and elsewhere as “The Federal Republic.” Return
1071 http://tinyurl.com/32qbtte (accessed 18 October 2008). Return
1072 Statistics for Austria suggest a total of some 80,000 preliminary investigations resulting in 23,495 convictions, which, on the face of things and given the relative size of populations, is rather more impressive than the Federal Republic's efforts. However, it should be born in mind that Austria was under Allied occupation from 1945 to 1955. Post 1955 only 20 defendants were convicted of Nazi crimes by Austrian courts, compared with around 600 by West German and 122 by East German courts. (Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), p.1170); http://tinyurl.com/364gdjl(Accessed 18 October 2008). Return
1073 Michael Burleigh and Wolfgang Wipperman, The Racial State: Germany 1933-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p.166. Return
1074 de Mildt, In the Name of the People, pp. 20-21 Return
1075 Ibid., p.404. Return
1076 Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, pp. 118-120. Return
1077 de Mildt, In the Name of the People, p.83. Return
1078 By 1937, nearly 44 percent of German doctors were members of the Nazi Party, a far greater proportion relative to their overall numbers than other professions such as teachers or lawyers. In the same year, 1.3 percent of all SS-men were doctors – an overrepresentation by a factor of seven compared to their percentage of the total population. On the same basis, only lawyers achieved a higher ratio of overrepresentation in the SS (twenty-five to one) than the medical profession. (Bryant, Confronting the “Good Death”, p 4-5.) Return
1079 Berndt Rieger, Creator of Nazi Death Camps – The Life of Odilo Globocnik (London: Vallentine Mitchell, 2007), pp.11-18. Wolfsberg was a hotbed of Nazism, a town frequented at one time or another by a disproportionately large number of the men who would go on to become among the principal perpetrators of the Holocaust. Return
1080 George J Annas and Michael A Grodin, The Nazi Doctors and the Nuremberg Code: Human Rights in Human Experimentation (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), pp. 34-41; Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p.99. Return
1081 Robert N Proctor, The Nazi War on Cancer (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000), pp. 59-60. Return
1082 Steven P Remy, The Heidelberg Myth: the Nazification and Denazification of a German University (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 2002), p.89. Return
1083 Dick de Mildt in private correspondence with the author, 30 May 2008. Return
1084 Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (New York: Penguin Books, 1977), p.294. Return
1085 Ibid., p.298. Return
 
Chapter 13. Conclusion
 
1086 Perry, Michael W (ed), G K Chesterton - Eugenics and Other Evils: An Argument Against the Scientifically Organised State (Seattle: Inkling Books, 2001), p.183. Return
1087 Zimbardo, Philip, The Lucifer Effect: How Good People Turn Evil (London: Rider Books, 2007), p.273. Return
1088 Richard Alan Krieger, Civilization's Quotations: Life's Ideal (New York: Algora Publishing, 2002), p.322. Return
1089 Shai Lavi, “The Jews are Coming": Vengeance and Revenge in post- Nazi Europe (Law, Culture and the Humanities, No.1, 2005), p.282 Return
1090 Michael Burleigh, and Wolfgang Wipperman, The Racial State: Germany 1933-1945 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p.3. Return
1091 Ibid., p.306. Return
1092 Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance : `Euthanasia' in Germany c. 1900-1945, p.4. Return
1093 I am grateful to Dr Herwig Czech for his permission to access and quote his privately obtained unpublished paper “Medical Crimes, Eugenics, and the Limits of the `Racial State' Paradigm in the Third Reich” as the source of much of the material in the first part of this chapter. Return
1094 Götz Aly, Peter Chroust, Christian Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland: Nazi Medicine and Racial Hygiene (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 1994), p.23. Return
1095 Michael Berenbaum and Abraham J Peck (eds.), The Holocaust and History: The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed, and the Reexamined (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), p.59. Return
1096 http://tinyurl.com/3y99suz (Accessed 19 September 2009.) Return
1097 Friedlander, Henry, The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), pp XI-XII. Return
1098 Ian Kershaw, Hitler 1936-45: Nemesis (London: Allen Lane, The Penguin Press, 2000), p.255. Return
1099 David Cesarani (ed), The Holocaust: Critical Concepts in Historical Studies, Volume 2 (London: Routledge, 2004), p.215. Return
1100 Eugen Kogon, Hermann Langbein, Adalbert Rückerl, (eds.), Nazi Mass Murder: A Documentary History of the Use of Poison Gas (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1993), p.74. Emphasis added. Return
1101 Ervin Staub, The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocide and Other Group Violence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p.187; p.309, note 64. Return
1102 Berenbaum and Peck, The Holocaust and History, p.171. Return
1103 Christopher R Browning, Nazi Policy, Jewish Workers, German Killers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), pp.4-7; Israel Gutman (ed), Encyclopedia of the Holocaust (New York: Macmillan Publishing Company, 1990), pp.1062-1065. Return
1104 Grawitz had been appointed President of the German Red Cross in January 1937, an appointment comparable in cynicism with that of Reinhard Heydrich as head of Interpol in 1940. (Ulf,Schmidt, Karl Brandt: The Nazi Doctor – Medicine and Power in the Third Reich (London: Hambledon Continuum, 2007), p.81) Return
1105 Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), p.932. Return
1106 The most recent conservative estimates of the number of Jews killed in the major extermination camps are: Belzec 430,000, Treblinka 700,000, Sobibor 170,000, Chelmno 150,000, Auschwitz-Birkenau 950,000, a total of approximately 2.4 million, the overwhelming majority of whom were gassed. To this number must be added Jews killed in camps such as Majdanek, Janowska , Maly Trostinec, and many others . Although there were gas chambers or gas vans operating in some of these camps, gassing was usually not the principle killing method employed. Return
1107 Hilberg, The Destruction of European Jews, p.1320. Return
1108 450 individuals were assigned to Aktion Reinhard. At any one time 20- 35 SS-men were stationed in each of the death camps. [Yitzhak Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: The Operation Reinhard Death Camps (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), pp 17-19]. Many men served in more than one camp, some in all three. There were also 90- 130 guards of mainly Ukrainian nationality at each camp. (Ibid, p.22). Compare this to the 3,000 members of the Einsatzgruppen, who were aided in their killing Aktionen by several thousand foreign acolytes [Hilfswillige (Auxiliaries) or “Hiwis”], as well as by the many thousands of men of the Police Battalions. Return
1109 http://tinyurl.com/3y2wlk3 (Accessed 22 August 2009). Return
1110 Joshua Rubenstein, Ilya Altman, The Unknown Black Book: The Holocaust in the German-Occupied Soviet Territories (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2008), pp.277-278. Return
1111 Tomasz Kranz, Extermination of Jews at the Majdanek Concentration Camp (Lublin: Panstwowe Muzeum na Majdanku, 2007), p.70. Return
1112 Saul Friedländer, The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1939-1945 (New York: HarperCollins, 2007), p.197. Return
1113 Ibid., p. 262. Return
1114 Ibid., p.267. Return
1115 Jeckeln, the HSSPF Ostland, was instructed by Himmler on 12 November to kill the Jews of the Riga ghetto. The killings began on 30 November. (Friedländer, The Years of Extermination, p.261). Return
1116 Glass, James M, “Life Unworthy of Life” – Racial Phobia and Mass Murder in Hitler's Germany, (New York: Basic Books, 1997), p.xvi. Return
1117 Yisrael Gutman, The Jews of Warsaw 1939-1943 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1989), pp.63-65. Return
1118 Donald Bloxham, The Final Solution: A Genocide (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009), p.251. Return
1119 Christian Wirth, Gottlieb Hering, Franz Stangle, and Franz Reichleitner. Return
1120 Allers mentions a total of four hundred T4 personnel being sent to Russia, a figure which would have included the majority of those employed at the killing centres. (Gitta Sereny, Into That Darkness – From Mercy Killing to Mass Murder (London: Pimlico, 1995), p.84). Return
1121 Leo Alexander, Medical Science Under Dictatorship (The New England Journal of Medicine 241, 1949), p.41. Return
1122 There is another source suggesting that “euthanasia” was also practised on mentally disturbed members of the Wehrmacht within the Reich itself. In February 1943, Siegfried Handloser, head of the military medical service, ordered that “war hysterics who cannot be cured of their symptoms through treatment are to be committed to the hospital sections of mental institutions.” (Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, pp. 89). It is not difficult to imagine what the result of such confinement would have been. Return
1123 Alexander, Medical Science Under Dictatorship, p.42. Return
1124 Christopher R Browning, Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (New York: HarperCollins, 1993), p.163. Return
1125 Robin O'Neil, Belzec: Stepping Stone to Genocide (New York: JewishGen Inc, 2008), pp.92-93. Return
1126 Ibid., pp. 326-329. Return
1127 http://tinyurl.com/3yuo3vm (accessed 18 November 2008). Return
1128 Himmler allegedly told the Aktion Reinhard personnel that what he expected of them was “superhuman-inhuman”. (Hilberg, Destruction of the European Jews, p.961). Return
1129 Schmidt, Karl Brandt, p.171. This sounds plausible. Other testimony by Bleich should be treated with caution. Return
1130 Barbl was interrogated several times by the Austrian police, but apparently never put on trial (Dick de Mildt, In the Name of the People: Perpetrators of Genocide in the Reflection of Their Post-War Prosecution in West Germany. The `Euthanasia' and `Aktion Reinhard' Trial Cases (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers, 1996), p.394, note39). Return
1131 David Cesarani (ed), The Final Solution: Origins and Implementation (London: Routledge, 1996) p.55. Return
1132 Peter Longerich, The Unwritten Order: Hitler's Role in the Final Solution (Stroud: Tempus Publishing Limited, 2003), p.81. Return
1133 Ibid., p.82. Return
1134 Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide, p.xii. Return
1135 Dan Stone (ed), The Historiography of Genocide (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008), p.9. Lemkin refined the term further, defining killing and abortion as “ktonotechnics” and sterilisation and castration as “sterotechnics”, both derived from the Greek - `ktonos' = murder, `steirosis' = infertility . Neither term has entered common usage, any more than “ktonology” as a definition of medicalised killing, although the expression “thanatology” to describe a delight in death has. [Paul Julian Weindling, Nazi Medicine and the Nuremberg Trials
- From Medical War Crimes to Informed Consent (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006), pp.284-285]. These definitions were all coined as the nature and extent of Nazi crimes were revealed; contemporary language was deemed inadequate to describe such atrocities. Return
1136 Stone, The Historiography of Genocide, p.89. Return
1137 Josephine Bacon, The Illustrated Atlas of Jewish Civilization: 4,000 Years of Jewish History (Royston: Eagle Editions, 1998), p.136. Return
1138 Richard S Levy (ed), Antisemitism: A Historical Encyclopedia of Prejudice and Persecution (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO Ltd, 2005), pp.116-117. Return
1139 Stone, The Historiography of Genocide, p.73. Return
1140 Yitzhak Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka: The Operation Reinhard Death Camps (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1987), p.101. At the time these remarks were made (August 1942), victims were still being buried at the three principal Aktion Reinhard camps. Exhumation and cremation of corpses and the immediate cremation of new victims only began in Sobibor in autumn 1942, and later still at Belzec and Treblinka. (Ibid.,pp.170-178). Return
1141 Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, p.46. Return
1142 Ibid. Emphasis added Return
1143 Ibid., p.179-180. Return
1144 Michael Burleigh, Ethics and extermination: Reflections on Nazi genocide, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), pp.128-129. Return
1145 Aly, Chroust, Pross, Cleansing the Fatherland, pp.229-230. Return
1146 Stone, The Historiography of Genocide, pp 156-193. Return
1147 Anthony Giddens, and Christopher Pierson, Conversations with Anthony Giddens: Making Sense of Modernity, (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998).p.94. Return
1148 Burleigh and Wipperman, The Racial State, pp.39. Return
1149 Ibid., pp.1-22. Return
1150 Friedländer, Saul, The Years of Persecution: Nazi Germany and the Jews 1933-39 (London: Phoenix, 2007), p.212. Return
1151 Marius Turda and Paul J Weindling, (eds.), “Blood and Homeland”. Eugenics and Racial Nationalism in Central and Southeast Europe, 1900-1940, (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2007), p.355. Return
1152 Burleigh and Wipperman, The Racial State, pp.304-307. Return
1153 An attempt to determine whether the long standing question, “who is a Jew?” is a matter of race or religion (if either) surfaced in, of all places, an English courtroom in 2008. The case was concerned with deciding if the policy of a Jewish school contravened the 1976 Race Relations Act in prioritising the admission of children only recognized as being Jewish in accordance with a ruling of the Orthodox “Office of the Chief Rabbi”. Essentially, the matter to be determined was whether the child of a woman who had converted to Judaism in a manner not approved by the aforementioned “Office of the Chief Rabbi” was Halachically, that is matrilineally, Jewish. If such a child was refused admission to the school on religious grounds, that was perfectly legal; if, on the other hand, refusal had been on the grounds of ethnicity, the Act had been contravened. Judgement was reached that this was a question of religious practice rather than ethnic or racial origin, a decision that was surprisingly overturned on appeal. In fact, the Appeal Court concluded: “the requirement that if a pupil is to qualify for admission his mother must be Jewish, whether by descent or by conversion, is a test of ethnicity which contravenes the Race Relations Act 1976,” a decision which undermined one of the fundamental principles of Judaism. [http://tinyurl.com/2wmmke2; and http://tinyurl.com/mrhfba (Accessed 9 July 2009)].
By a narrow margin the Supreme Court confirmed the Appeal Court's decision. This gallimaufry will inevitably result in either an amendment to the Race Relations Act permitting the school's long-standing policy to be reinstituted, or alternatively in a complete reassessment of the principle of faith schools. If nothing else, this case has provided evidence of the pitfalls inherent in framing anti-discriminatory legislation. [http://tinyurl.com/yfhcuu9 (Accessed 16 December 2009)]. Return
1154 Turda and Weindling, “Blood and Homeland”, p.288. Return
1155 Ibid., pp 283-297. It might be more accurate to ascribe the dubious honour of fatherhood in this matter to Abraham: “Abraham's servant, Eliezer, so the Midrash states, desired to offer his own daughter to Isaac, but his master sternly rebuked him, saying: `Thou art cursed, and my son is blessed, and it does not behoove the cursed to mate with the blessed, and thus deteriorate the quality of the race.'” This quotation is taken from an essay published in 1916 by Rabbi Max Reichler, in which he enthusiastically endorsed eugenic practice. The ethicist, Dr. Stanton Coit, is approvingly cited: “The Jews, ancient and modern have always understood the science of eugenics, and have governed themselves in accordance with it; hence the preservation of the Jewish race.” Furthermore, questions of heredity could be viewed in both religious and eugenic terms: Rabbi Akiba…claims that “a father bequeaths to his child beauty, health, wealth, wisdom and longevity.” Similarly, ugliness, sickness, poverty, stupidity and the tendency to premature death, are transmitted from father to offspring. Hence we are told that when Moses desired to know why some of the righteous suffer in health and material prosperity, while others prosper and reap success; and again, why some of the wicked suffer, while others enjoy success and material well-being; God explained that the righteous and wicked who thrive and flourish, are usually the descendants of righteous parents, while those who suffer and fail materially are the descendants of wicked parents.
Rabbi Reichler's championing of eugenics was in keeping with the Zeitgeist. [Rabbi Max Reichler, Rabbi Joel Blau, Rev. Dr. D.de Sola Pool, Jewish Eugenics and Other Essays: Three Papers Read Before The New York Board of Jewish Ministers 1915 (New York: Bloch Publishing Company, 1916) pp.7-23]. Return
1156 In his Nuremberg cell, for rather obvious reasons Alfred Rosenberg attempted to rationalise the murder of millions by pointing out to G.M.Gilbert, the prison psychologist, the ostensible similarities between Jewish and Nazi eugenic practice: “National Socialism wasn't based on racial prejudice”, Rosenberg brazenly declared. “We just wanted to maintain our own racial and national solidarity…The Jews wanted to maintain their identity as a people, and I say more power to them, but so do we…It is only natural for the members of a group to feel a common bond and protect themselves and their identity.” [G. M. Gilbert, Nuremberg Diary (New York: Da Capo Press, 1995, p.120]. Return
1157 Richard A Soloway, Demography and Degeneration: Eugenics and the Declining Birthrate in Twentieth-Century Britain (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1995), p.350. Founded in 1908 as the Eugenics Education Society, so disreputable had the very word “eugenics” become, that in 1989 the Society's name was changed to the Galton Institute. Return
1158 Rachel Iredale, Eugenics and its Relevance to Contemporary Health Care, (Nursing Ethics, 7 (3), 2000), p.209. Return
1159 Dennis Sewell, The Political Gene – How Darwin's Ideas Changed Politics (London: Picador, 2009), passim, especially pp.213-234. Return
1160 Schmidt, Karl Brandt, p.245. Emphasis added. Return
1161 Michael Molan, Sourcebook on Criminal Law, (London: Cavendish Publishing Limited, 2001), p.245. Return
1162 http://tinyurl.com/36h48sq (Accessed 23 April 2008). Return
1163 Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (New York: Penguin Books, 1977), p.295. Return
1164 Ibid., p.291. Return
1165 Ibid., pp.291-292. Return
1166 Ernst Klee, Willi Dressen, Volker Riess (eds.), The Good Old Days – The Holocaust as Seen by Its Perpetrators and Bystanders (New York: Konecky & Konecky, 1991), pp.75-86. Return
1167 James Waller, Becoming Evil. How Ordinary People Commit Genocide and Mass Killing (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), pp. 102-106; Zimbardo, The Lucifer Effect, pp.266-276. Return
1168 Waller, Becoming Evil, p.107. Return
1169 Ibid., p.108. Return
1170 William Peters, A Class Divided, Then and Now (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), passim. Return
1171 Zimbardo, The Lucifer Effect, pp. 23-257; http://tinyurl.com/2pohp (Accessed 12 April 2009). Return
1172 Zimbardo, The Lucifer Effect, p.277. Return
1173 Browning, Ordinary Men, pp. 191-192. Return
1174 Ibid., p.189. Return
1175 Alexander, Medical Science Under Dictatorship, p.44. Return
1176 Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (London: Papermac, 1990), p.62. Return
1177 Sereny, Into That Darkness, p.83. Return
1178 Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem, p.106. Return
1179 Michael Wildt, An Uncompromising Generation – The Nazi Leadership of the Reich Security Main Office (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2009), pp.262-263. Return
1180 Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, p.223. Return
1181 “A distinction, however, should be made between the ordinary psychopath (who acts antisocially, is frequently impulsive, and whose crimes are characterized by an affective reaction, consciously related to actively pursuing material gains) and the malignant type of psychopath (a clearly predatory, violent individual whose goal is the gratification of vengeful or sexual sadistic fantasies).” [Richard N Kocsis (ed), Serial Murder and the Psychology of Violent Crimes: An International Perspective (Totowa: Humana Press, 2007), p.86]. Both types were present in the “euthanasia” killing centres and the extermination camps. Return
1182 Primo Levi, The Drowned and the Saved (London: Abacus Books, 2002), pp.169-170. Return
1183 Tzvetan Todorov, Facing the Extreme: Moral Life in the Concentration Camps (London: Phoenix, 1996), p.122. Return
1184 Isabel V Hull, Absolute Destruction – Military Culture and the Practices of War in Imperial Germany (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006), passim. Return
1185 Wildt, An Uncompromising Generation, p.10. Return
1186 Ibid., p.440. Return
1187 Ibid., pp. 76-80. Return
1188 Enzo Traverso, The Origins of Nazi Violence (New York: The New Press, 2003), p.43. Return
1189 Bloxham, The Final Solution, p.297. Return
1190 David Kynaston, Austerity Britain 1945-51 (London: Bloomsbury, 2008), p.38. Return
1191 Ibid., p.130. Return
1192 Peter Hennessy, Never Again: Britain 1945-51 (London: Jonathan Cape, 1992), p.144. Return
1193 http://tinyurl.com/33bctz6 (Accessed 24 August 2009). Return
1194 Dan Stone, Breeding Superman: Nietzsche, Race and Eugenics in Edwardian and Interwar Britain (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2002), p.133. Return
1195 Kjersti Ericsson and Eva Simonsen, On the Border: The contested children of the Second World War (Childhood, Vol. 15, No.3, 2008), pp. 407-409. Return
1196 Ericsson and Simonsen, On the Border, pp. 410-411 . Return
1197 http://tinyurl.com/37nwefk (Accessed 18 April 2009). Return
1198 Jonathan Peter Spiro, Defending the Master Race: Conservation, Eugenics, and the Legacy of Madison Grant, (Burlington: University of Vermont Press, 2008), p.122 Return
1199 Traverso, The Origins of Nazi Violence, p.60. Return

 

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