[Page 33]

When we speak about the Kościuszko Uprising and about the “campaigns” of the legions of Napoleons armies, we always encounter the name of Berek Joselewicz, as if other Jews did not participate in Napoleon's military battles. However, ledger records from new investigations bring up names of soldiers and other officers in the Polish Army.

One of the exceptional Jewish officers was Jakob Szpot, son of a poor craftsman in Będzin. This officer participated in the Spanish “Campaign”, excelling in the battle and because of this Napoleon awarded him a medal of honor. Szpot also participated in the battle of Moscow and fell in 1812.

Heronim Borowski, a citizen of the Lublin district, tells of the heroism of Szpot, in “Jutrzenka” from 1861:

In 1808 officer Jakob Szpot served with me in the army in Spain. He was a very upright person and one of the heroes of the regiment. He always went first and in the brutal battles he commanded his men with composure, as if it was a parade on the Parada (festive army ceremony) field. He did not own property but nevertheless distributed a fourth of his wages amongst the soldiers, who excelled in their heroism and behavior. There were many instances of his courage and I will note one of them. In January 1808 Szpot was dispatched by General Chłopicki to conquer the small town of Cuenca [Spain], an important military position, during our Marsch (march) on to Saragossa. Szpot conquered the town, heading 200 soldiers amongst which there were 60 Frenchmen. After a short time he was surrounded by 3,000 Spanish soldiers, to whose aid came local residents. Szpot now had to fight against a double enemy: internal and external. Nevertheless he didn't hesitate and went out towards them. The Spanish knowing that our numbers were few, attacked us with great enmity, however after three hours, they retreated, leaving 300 casualties, excluding wounded of a similar number. Szpot's soldiers also suffered badly and half of them fell or were wounded in the battle. Szpot himself was wounded by a bullet in his leg and a sword to his head. In spite of all this he fought bravely, however the Frenchmen in the regiment refused to continue fighting, since twenty of them were killed, the rest were wounded and those that remained alive were weak and their spirits were low. Szpot pleaded with them to no avail: “We will all be killed, however we must obey the General's order”.

The French surrendered and gave themselves in to the Spanish. Szpot was left with only thirty soldiers and with them he planned for a new battle, which was very bitter. They displayed extraordinary resistance. Szpot was wounded in another two places. His few soldiers asked him to rest a little, however he refused, saying: I promised the General to fight till the last drop of blood. The Spanish overtook the house, in which Szpot was barricaded, set fire to it, however Szpot did not surrender, defending without any hope of surviving. Miraculously the 11^th mounted regiment appeared, having heard shots form this battle. They provided assistance, and thus Szpot was saved with nine of his soldiers who had remained alive. However all of them, to a man, were severely wounded.

In recognition for their heroism, Napoleon awarded them medals of honor, the Order of the “Honor Guard”.

I should add – writes Heronim Borowski – that Szpot was a member of the faith of Moses [Jewish], son of a craftsman in the town of Będzin and he fell in the battle field in 1812.

[Page 34]

One of the anomalies of Jewish economic life is the uniqueness of the Jewish labor force. It would be hard to find Jewish people in capitalist countries working in large- scale industries, in mining and so on. This particular phenomenon of Jewish workers being concentrated in particular branches of small industry has already been established by Borochov^[1]. We won't be able to analyze this question because this is a theme on its own, which has already been studied by many economists.

Here I would like to illustrate all the, simple legal restrictions with an example from Zagłębie.

Podwale Alleyway

At the time, in this particular industry, manpower was lacking. They had to bring qualified craftsmen from other countries in order to build up a work force.

As mentioned, the poor Jews of Zagłębie, mainly from Będzin, were eager to work as miners and wherever the minister, Prince Lubecki, reached he was asked how he would handle this question.

Here is what we read in the book about “Mining and Glassworks in Congress Poland in the Years 1815-30” by the well-known researcher, Professor Natalia Gąsiorowska.

“The relevance of the question of Jewish workers was brought to the attention of the ([finance] minister) that a significant number of poor Jews were looking for employment in mining. Because of the lack of workers, it was decided to allow [these] workers in mining on the condition that they have to be used as day laborers – but not as permanent workers with a weekly salary – as mine workers or as glassworkers.”

In other places in the book, we read about efforts by Będzin Jews to infiltrate the mining industry. So, for example, we learn the poor in Będzin sought employment in the Ksawery coal mine, which was founded at this time.

At another meeting with Prince Lubecki, he declared: “One would be able to utilize the poor Jews as coal miners and thus we would receive many laborers for the real work in the mining and glass working industry.” As noted earlier, the decision was that Jews would only be able to be employed as day workers.

How this developed further is not known. I do not know whether Jewish workers were actually employed as mine workers in Zagłębie or [whether] all of the decisions just remained on paper. The old men in Będzin would have been able to say something about the question. And further research is needed on this very interesting subject.

The example of Będzin, where the conditions of Jewish poverty were worse than that of the Christians, for whom special apartments were built and efforts were made, such as wages, etc, to create good working conditions for them, is a distinct illustration of the sort of ruin that economic antisemitism brought on Jewish life. The crippling of the economic structure of the Jewish population is a consequence, among others, also of the economic antisemitism that was rampant at that time and is also rampant today.

[Page 35]

minister, Lubecki, to permit them to be day workers – the local authorities did everything in their power to daunt the aspirations of Zagłębie Jews in the mining industry.

The reason is economic antisemitism, as was clearly shown by Dr. Ringelblum.

About 60 years ago, however, we find fictitious Jewish miners in Będzin. These were young Jewish men, master craftsmen and artisans who did not have to appear for the draft [into the Russian Army]. As a law existed then according to which coal miners were exempt from military service, young Jewish men enlisted as coal miners in the Zagłębie mines, where they worked three days a week without pay, if only not to serve [in the military].

When we consider that at that time young Jewish men aged 21 were already married and sometimes even were fathers of several children and, and in addition, it was a fact that the tzarist government persecuted the Jews terribly, designated special laws for them and arranged pogroms – it is no wonder that Jews evaded serving their “protector, the Tsar Batushka [the dear tsar].”

We find several hundred Jewish coal miners in 1912 in the Upper Silesia coal mines. We learn precise facts about this from a correspondence between the Katowice Zionist leader, Arnold Wiener, and the then still young Będzin Zionist activist, A. K. Liwer.

In a letter (written in the German language), dated the 19th September 1912, Winer writes the following to Liwer:

“About your [letter] of the 17^th … I inform you that I will answer you on your question in connection with the employment of Jewish coal mining workers.

“In order to create work for Jewish workers from the east who were without employment, the Katowice community created a committee that established contact both with the coal mine owners and with the Jewish kehile [organized Jewish community] in Russian- Poland and Galicia, in order that in such a manner to create employment for a few hundred of the needy.

“The lowest daily wage reached 2.80 marks. This wage was designated for those who first had to be taught how to work. After 14 days, the wages on average reached up to 3.50 marks and after four weeks, many workers even reached a wage of five marks a day.

“Over the entire time, approximately 300 works were employed.

“Finally, I still have to inform you that the entire undertaking is in danger of being liquidated because the Prussian government will not permit foreign Jews to be regularly employed in the area of the Prussian state.

“Steps were undertaken at the Interior Ministry in Berlin in order to receive permission for wider employment for Jewish workers. However, it is greatly doubtful if the efforts will be crowned with success. The Jewish workers employed in the coal mines were already forced by the police at the beginning of the week to return to their homes.”

It must be added that among the 300 workers, approximately 50 were from Będzin and its surroundings.

As we see, the Upper Silesian mines were the reason for the economic antisemitism, but this time not on the part of

A fragment of Rybna Alleyway (the Butcher's Alleyway)

The Germans made an exception during the [First] World War when there was a lack of workers because almost all of the young men were on the battlefields. Thus we find at that time several hundred Jewish workers from Zagłębie who were employed in Upper Silesia and particularly in the Zagłębie mining industry.

Today, there are almost no Jews existing in this industry.

Translator's footnotes:

1. Borochov, Ber (Dov; 1881–1917), Socialist Zionist leader and foremost theoretician; scholar of the history, economic structure, language, and culture of the Jewish people. A brilliant analyst, in debate as well as in writing, Borochov influenced wide circles of the emerging Jewish labor movement, first in Russia, later in Central and Western Europe and the U.S. Return
2. Following Napoleon's defeat in 1814/1815, the Congress of Vienna established the Kingdom of Poland in 1815, which became commonly known in English as Congress Poland. Return

[Page 36]

In the area of Zagłębie and its surroundings, you see the appearance and presence of Jews, here and there, as traveling merchants as early as the 10^th century. At the end of the 11^th century following the persecutions in Czechia [Czechoslovakia], there is a first wave of refugees coming to Zagłębie which becomes a safe haven for them, and where behind the walls of the fortress they find shelter and even protection.

Another group of Jews arrives in the Zagłębie area (Zagłębie Dąbrowskie) after the year 1226, i.e. after the second round of persecutions in Czechia. Several families settle in Będzin, Czeladź, Siewierz, Koziegłówki, Żarki and Pilica. On the reliance of Kazimierz [Casimir] the Great who granted them the privilege in 1368, several families settled in Będzin, and one in Sielce^[a].

In the beginning of the 15^th century, Germany again began to expel the Jews by means of pogroms. In Cologne, Mainz, Augsburg, Erfurt, Würzburg and Magdeburg, they treated Jews mercilessly, expelling them from the area. Later, when other countries followed Germany's lead – such as Hungary, the Alp countries, Spain and Portugal – then larger groups of Jews began to appear in Zagłębie, mostly in Będzin, where they arrived from Czeladź, Siewierz and Koziegłówki, since they had been expelled from these last cities on the order of the Bishop of Kraków. At the same time Jews settle in Wolbrom and a bit later also in Olkusz, where they soon attained an impressive influence because even in the salt mines they had their own representative in the person of Herman Zelik, the vice-salt administrator (in the year 1437).

Będzin was the center for the Jews. Already at the end of the 15^th century the Będzin Jews were strongly organized and ruled over their co-religionists who lived in the Zagłębie area, and also in Mysłowice, Bytom [Beuthen], Chorzów and Tychy [Tichau]. This is where their social, political and religious lives as well as their judicial lives were concentrated. The smaller communities and suburbs of Mysłowice, Bytom, Chorzów, Olkusz, Wolbrom and Pilica also belonged to the Będzin community.

Under the authority invested by Stefan Batory [Stephen Báthory – (1576-1586) reigned together with his wife Anna; regarded as one of the greatest kings of Poland] there was a privilege granted in the 16^th century, allowing the Jews to live anywhere; the city delimitations were abolished and Jewish merchants received equal rights legally the same as the non-Jews. In Olkusz Jews were allowed to own mines and also to deal in the metal industry. Around the year 1596, the administrator of the royal tax collector of the mines in Olkusz was in the hands of the Jew Mosze Ezra.

In Będzin, the local Jews enjoyed the privileges of Batory, because in “The Będzin Archives”, called “landvoytishe” (akta landwójtowskie), we find for the first time in the year 1584, the name of “Josek the non-believing Jew” who had a house near the “Rose Square.”^[b] The following year there is recorded in the above-mentioned archives a second house on the Square which belonged to the 'non-believing Jew' Jakob. In the year 1587, another Jew, Jakob Baruch, bought a house in the city from Marcin Raciborski, as did the Jewess Rojza Abramowa buy a house from Marcin Szanijawski, which had a brewery and a stable. She paid 700 Polish Guilders. At the end of 1593, we find again in the Archives, the name Marek, the 'non-believing Jew' who bought a house behind the castle, from Wawrzyniec Warmuz. From this moment on, Jews appear all over the city in different streets and also as house owners on the main square: among others, for example, Jicchak Zalman, Rojza Lewkowa, Icek Markowicz, Abram Majerowicz, Jacob and Josef Abramowicz and many others.

In Olkusz, the Jew Marek Faktor, became very influential in the mining industry, together with his sons Eliasz and Jakob; and the salt-mine books mention the name of Natan Gebler, a mine-owner and owner of a lead hut which was called “Szmidowska”.

View from the fisherman's district on Sawala Street

While we are talking about privileges that the Zagłębie Jews received, thanks to the efforts of the Będziner Jewish leaders, the oldest privilege dated from 1453 given by Kazimierz from the Jagiellon Dynasty. This privilege states that the Jews are protected by the royal might as well as the King's representative and governor and the mayor. The Jews are not governed by city laws but can have their own court of law with the right to appeal to civil courts if they want. Another privilege granted by Aleksander from the Jagiellon Dynasty in 1505 gave the Jews equality tax-wise, for tolls, payments, city taxes, the same as Christian merchants. Before that, Jews were taxed at a much higher rate than non-Jews. In the year 1532, King Zygmunt I gave out a charter which said that the Jews carry the same responsibility for taxes for the republic; therefore they have a right to enjoy all the privileges that are accorded to any citizens of the kingdom. In the same decree he gives Jews permission to transact deals and to have businesses and industries.


Original footnotes:

1. 3 km from Będzin. Return
2. In the old civil acts of the city, if reference was made to a Jew, there was always added the phrase 'non-believing Jew'. Return

]Page 37]

The “Pinkesim”[1]of the Będzin Societies
by Moisze Manela and Sh. Rotenberg
Yiddish translated by Gloria Berkenstat Freund	Based on an earlier translation by Rita Ratson
Hebrew translated by Jerrold Landau

The old Jewish pinkesim [record books] of the various societies contain not only information that has a direct connection to the relevant societies and their members but also significant historical materials that are of great importance to the history of the Jews in the city and even to the history of the Jews in the country.

The record books often present a picture of the cultural, economic and sometimes also of the political situation of the Jewish kehile [organized Jewish community] of the time the lists and registrations in the record books cover.

The record books of the Jewish societies of Będzin are spread out before us and from them we learn that there have been an entire series of cultural, economic and philanthropic institutions that since early times have been called khevres [societies – khevre is the singular]. Sadly, the most important historical occurrences were not always registered in these record books which could have interested the historical researcher. On the contrary, we often find records of lesser importance. It could be that even the less important events evoked a certain interest for the members of the societies who wrote [their] memories in the society record books.

For this work, we have made use of following record books: Pinkes me-Anshei Khesed shel Emet D'po b'Bendin [Record Book of the People [of] True Kindness Here in the City of Będzin] (Burial Society), Khevre Khayatim [Tailors Association], Khevre Hachnosas Kallah [Society to Help Poor Brides], Khevre haTilim [Psalm Society], Khevre Noseh Hamateh [Pallbearers Society] and Malbish Arumim [Society to Provide Clothing for the Poor].

This society is the most important and oldest source for our work.

This is a small, thick book, bound in leather, numbered 1 to 178, on old dull pages that are partially yellowed and partially greenish-grey from age. The later pages are made from satin-like, heavy and perfectly white paper. The first pages, which are numbered, are like an “old vessel filled with ancient wine” in contrast to the later, newer pages on which very little is written and look like “an old vessel that does not even contain new wine.” The format of the book of records is 14 x 18 centimeters [5.5 x to a little over seven inches] – the thickness with the leather and brown linen-bound covers – 11 centimeters [about 4.3 inches]; there is no title page. On the page before page one is the following written in a later handwriting: The record book of the Khevre Kadishe of the kehile of Będzin from ancient times. In addition to that, the following note is on the page: “In this record book there are people who were written about in the Khevre Kadishe record book of 5447 [1687] as can be seen on page 16 and 17 and also many other pages, as well as on page 5, side 2, there is an account page from the year 5440 [1680].”

On page 1 there are important historically significant entries, which are expressed in flowery Hebrew:

“With G-d's help…

“I have etched upon the tablets of testimony in this Pinkas of the Chevra Kadisha Degmulei Chasadim Tovim, the society for visiting the sick and performing acts of kindness for the living and the dead: also to establish an eternal light in the holy synagogue, an eternal flame will burn there [based on Leviticus 6:2]. And it seems that this is so, that I have written letter for letter in the ledger of the trustees of the holy community so that it will be a sign and a keepsake for generation after generation, and they will have a memento: I have affixed it with pegs and nails. The enemy, pestilence, sword, hunger, and agony that spread in our country, the country of Poland, from the day they took hold, and the horns of battle in this year, קצת״א [Katzt”a – 5591 / 1831], and the innuendo of Katzta is because katznu (we have become weary) with our lives [based on Genesis 27:46] from the troubles and afflictions that are tormenting us, and our bellies have become stuck to the ground. The kindnesses of G-d, for we have not been consumed, and His mercies have not ended [Lamentations 3:22]. Through His multitude of mercies and multitude of kindnesses He has saved us: and has given us all types of good: and I will raise up a lament and eulogy for all the dead who have perished before our eyes, for from Bein Hametzarim [the Three Week period between the fasts of 17 Tammuz and 9 Av] until the 22^nd of Menachem Av more than one hundred people have perished before our eyes from the pestilence. Today we will rejoice and be happy because the devastation has ended, and the plague was stopped [Numbers 17:15, compare Numbers 25:8]. Pinchas is Elijah the Prophet, may he come to us and redeem us in particular.

And with this I begin: Ah, world, wallow in dust; descend and sit upon the ground. Weep, O mortal life, and lament, for every heart has melted, and the whole land is undone. From the enormity of the calamity, the plague and the pestilence – for truly nothing like it has ever occurred in our region, across the very ends of the land: The wrath was not only upon us; it also struck the entire community. Truly, the Ravager went forth and rose up against great and wondrous holy communities: And against it He wrought destruction, and greatly turned His anger back upon us, letting all His fury blaze forth [paraphrased from the opening of the weekday Maariv service]. Both broadly and specifically, we drank our full appointed measure of the cup of reeling from the hand of G-d, and it tore at our very hands. Can a man look upon the scourge of the Most High's blows before him, and the pillars of his heart not be shaken: can a man walk upon the fiery coals of the Most High and his feet not be singed: Can a man consume the bitterness of gall and thick wormwood, mixed with the venom of serpents, and not know that they have entered his innards? Therefore, my brothers and friends, etch this upon your hearts with a pen of iron and lead. And let this be a reminder to you: So that the truth will not be lost… The many difficult troubles: and agony and sighing: from this year: Katzta by our count, for we have become weary of our lives… the cup of reeling, and we have drunk the accursed bitter waters… And the horns of battle from the state's hostility with the Czar of Russia, and plague, and the sword, and famine, and sorrow pressed upon us. Numerous tribulations passed over our heads. And day after day spoke its word [Psalms 19:3] – a day of trouble and affliction: a day of great weeping, lamenting, and mourning for the Jews. For great was the burning of His wrath, for He lifted up the horn of Israel, and His fury grew harsh; for outside the sword consumed, and within there was death-like famine, as it comes [echo of Deuteronomy 32:25, the tochacha, and of 1 Kings 8:37–38, Solomon's prayer] – plague, as it comes. Even every illness and every affliction that oppresses the soul of a person. The lily, above and below, was struck; even the Nazirite was smitten. Purer than snow, whiter than milk – before their time – the Destroyer rose upon them. The cedar of Lebanon, planted by streams of water, and the earth gave forth its yield: suddenly the wrath of G-d passed over it and flooded it, and it was cut off while still flowering. Suddenly the decree went forth, and the Destroyer came in whirlwind and storm. And His sword was drawn

[Page 38]

from the hired sheath in a sudden torrent and rebuke. And he said: thus spoke the king – go down quickly. And within six hours, and no more – from hour to hour, from one visitation to the next. And go forth to the land of the decree [a play on words: cut off land]. To a land of distress and trouble. With coughing and retching from above, and diarrhea coming from below. It bore… upon it his sins to the land of the decree. It broke apart and crumbled. And all her pursuers overtook her here, between the straits, in hardship and suffering. [based on Lamentations 1:3]. And because there were no graves in Egypt [based on Exodus 14:11] – in the old cemetery that had stood here for more than two hundred years, apart from the ancient burial-ground, worn and decayed – we were forced to bury our dead in a new cemetery. And for a full sum of money the city's overseers sold it to him [i.e. us]: three hundred gold coins as the purchase price. And besides that, a yearly levy of twenty gold coins. And in the plague, among the Jews, within two weeks, more than a hundred souls died – among them the G-d-fearing and the upright, the righteous men and the righteous women, males and females, adults and children, the elderly with youths, young men and also maidens, boys and girls. And today, indeed, the plague has been stopped. And now: may the year end with its curses, and may the new year begin with its blessings [from Achot Ketana, Erev Rosh Hashanah hymn]. And we are confident, if G-d wills, that in the coming year 5592 according to our count, the sorrow and wrath will depart, and then even the mute will break out in song [from the wedding Birkat HaMazon]. And so it shall be, as well: may the particular sorrow also pass – Elijah the Prophet will come, and the King Messiah. And death shall be swallowed up forever, and the Lord will wipe the tear from every face [Isaiah 25:8], and our sins will be atoned. It is clear that the plague has stopped fully here in the community of Będzin.

Signed by the humble one, Nachum Rozanis, the local rabbi, very weak, and his strength has departed from the tribulations. G-d, turn everything into joy and gladness, and let agony and sighing disappear.

Now, O Lord, remember for us kindness and truth, in this year, if G-d wills, for the dead who died in those two weeks – for the gentiles forced us to carry them out even on the Sabbath. On the Holy Sabbath of the Torah portion of Eikev 5691, the gentiles came with swords and spears against the field – the place where the corpses were lying on the open ground, without a fence – for [the cemetery] had only just begun to be established at the start of the plague, and the graves had remained open since Friday, the eve of the holy Sabbath. Watchmen were guarding five dead: two women, one girl, and two males, whom it had been impossible to bury before the holy Sabbath because the day had already been sanctified and consecrated as the Sabbath. The gentiles tied the legs of the deceased with ropes, dragged the deceased like naked dogs without shrouds, and tossed them one atop the other, the men with the young girl together, to our dismay. They beat the Jews with deathly blows. Nevertheless, we did not violate the Sabbath. The gentiles covered them with soil, and then with sand. We opened them [the graves] discreetly, and treated them with honor as is expounded upon in Sefer Chassidim … … … and in Be'er Heitev end of section 403 in Yoreh De'ah [section of the Shulchan Aruch / Code of Jewish Law] … … … and especially during a plague because of danger to life. We kept the two Sabbaths, and certainly in this merit we will merit the redemption of the Messiah and life in the World to Come, Amen Selah.”^[a]

In the above-mentioned notes there is a description of events that took place in Będzin at the time of the illnesses in the uprising year of 1831 when the liberation struggle flared up against the tsarist occupant.

The short content from the Hebrew text cited above is as follows:

“I inscribe [notes] in the record book of the Khevre Kadishe of the Gmili Khesedim [interest-free loan funds] and Bikor Khoylim [Society to Visit the Sick] that provide mercy to the living and the dead and whose task is also to take care that the eternal light in the holy synagogue will always burn and to this content I have similarly entered [notes] word for word in the record book of the gaboim [managers of an institution] of our holy community in order that it remain as a sign and a tradition for all coming generations as a keepsake. This misfortune befell us through the enemy in the difficult fight and hunger in our country, Poland, since the fight and unrest broke out in the year 5591 (1831). And the symptom is “weariness,” because our life became ugly from the distress and great suffering – until the One above helped us in His great mercy that never ends for us. I will, therefore, stop the eulogy for the deceased who fell here in our city as victims for our sins.

This was between the Three Weeks (that is, from the 17^th Tammuz) until the 22^nd of Menakhem Av.^[2] More than a hundred souls died and perished from the illnesses. And today we rejoice that the plundering has ended and the plague has ceased. And with this, I will begin: O! World, you need to wander around in the dust, lower yourself down and sit on the ground. All of humanity needs to cry and to lament because every feeling heart must thaw and the entire earth must be disturbed by the annihilation by the sword and the plague that was not yet in our land during the old times. And the rage not only came from us, but all from the entire community of many large and holy kehiles. Therefore, dear brothers, remember the hardships of the year 5591 [1831] when there was the uprising of the land against the Russian Tsar. Every day was worse than the one before. The Jews faced the greatest hardship. Externally, the sword murdered and, internally, hunger tortured to death. Then the illnesses broke out. This was in a quieter time, when suddenly, God's fury flowed and multitudes were expelled over the course of six hours according to an order…and they had to run from the country of edicts. And because of the illnesses there was a lack of graves at the local cemetery that had been founded here more than 200 years before, in addition to the very old cemetery, we were forced to bury the corpses at the new cemetery that we bought at full price from the local mieszczaninem [city residents]. We paid 300 gildn in silver, in addition to a 20 gildn annual tax. And among the Jews, more than 100 souls perished over the course of two weeks. Among them were good and bad, righteous men and women, [ordinary] men and women, young children and old people, young men, as well as young women. And today, we celebrate, because the plague ended and may the coming year 5592 [1832] be fortunate and may the old year depart with its curses and may the new year begin with blessings.

These were the words of the local Khevre Kadishe Rabbi Nakhum Rozanes, who was very weak because of the hardships. May the One above reverse everything to joy and to good.”

[Page 39]

It is further said in the note that –

“The non-Jews forced the Jews to carry the deceased who had died on the two Shabbosim [Sabbaths]. On Shabbos Parsha Eikev (20 Av] 5591 [30 July 1831]), the non-Jews came with swords and pikes to the cemetery where the corpses had been laid near open graves on Friday, at which guards had been placed. Five corpses remained then two women, a girl and two men who they had not been able to bury before the Sabbath because it was dark and the Sabbath had arrived. The non-Jews bound rope around the feet of the corpses and they dragged them naked without shrouds and threw one on the other, men with the girl. They also beat the Jewish guards mercilessly. And yet we did not want to desecrate the Sabbath. The non-Jews covered the deceased with earth. After the Sabbath, we took the corpses out in secret and gave them their proper honor, as was shown in the Jewish books. We observed the two Sabbaths and as a reward for this we will be worthy that the Moshiekh [Redeemer] will come and we will have the world to come, Amen!”

After this comes a list that enumerated 118 deceased by name or the parents' or relatives' names.

On the following pages of the record book, we find registered members of the society. Such a sort of registration content is usually the name and the father's name of a new member; also recorded is how much registration money he gave in cash and how much he owed. In addition to this, also how much he was obligated to pay weekly. At every registration, a remark is found that the relevant one also took on the duty to carry out the rules of the society and that he was a member with equal rights in all matters that have a connection to the life of the society member.

At the end, usually comes the date of entry and the signature of the one registering.

On the second side of page 18 we find the entry of a certain member, Yosef bar Meir, with the following marginal note [explaining various abbreviations]

“   מ ע ” ק – maot kedima [advanced payment]         ח י ” ג – chet yud gedolim (eighteen great sages)    נתן  ו " ג   

ע י ” כ     ת מ ” א

נמצא נ ” ח  –  nishar chayav [is found to remain obligated]

י ” ב    ג       ”

After this comes an entire row of accounts that he paid in the following years: 5302 [1542], 5303 [1543] and so on and what he still owed Natan… gimel [i.e. 3] and remains obligated… gimel [i.e. 3]

The following note is found on side 26, dating from 5614 (1854) recorded by the then Rabbi, Chaim Dovid Langfus, of blessed memory.

Translation:

“Here was noted, in memory of their good deeds, the two members Reb Tzvi Hirsh Futerman and Reb Moshe Yosef Firszt, who in 5609 (1849) when the illnesses broke out, constantly visited the sick, placing their own lives [in danger] in order to save the sick. The mentioned Reb Moshe Yosef also was the faithfully devoted sexton of the Khevre Kadishe. Therefore it was decided that when the Khevre Kadishe came together, according to their custom, for a banquet, the above-mentioned members should eat the fruit in this world and that their capital should remain for them in the world to come.”

On page 27 we find the following notice without a signature:

Translation:

“While the above-mentioned member, at the banquet of the members on Shemini Atzeres [8^th day of Sukkous – the Feast of Tabernacles] in the year 5527 (1767) allowed himself to express with words that we cannot give in writing – it was decided, in agreement with the mashgikhim [overseers], gabbim [sextons] and other members, to punish him with estrangement from the Khevre Kadishe; he is unworthy to us for eternity, in addition to other punishments, that will come to him when there will be an opportunity for them, and in order that this will be remembered, we have recorded the fact here.”

On page 24 we find the following notice:

This notice says that Khol HaMoed Pesakh [intermediate days of Passover] 5503 (1743) 16 gildn and 12 Polish groshn was received in Kiddush-gelt [money for the blessing of wine], of which eight gildn were given for cemetery tools, two gildn to the rabbi for the sermon, 18 Polish groshn for mead for the society and the arbitrators, six Polish groshn for fish and the remainder was deposited with the rabbi.

On page 54, side one, the following members registered in 5561 (1801): two brothers, one Reb Yehuda Leib bar [son of] Gershon Segal and the other, Reb Szymon Segal, who was a royfe [old-time physician without formal medical training] who visited the sick.

On page 53, side one, we find two entries of members that were made by the then religious judge, Reb Nakhum Rozanis, who signs [his name] in the later years as the rabbi of the holy community of Będzin. In the mentioned entries is the fact that this book (pinkes) of the Khevre Kadishe was lost and was [missing] for five years.

From page 61, side 1, can also be seen, that in Będzin in

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5451 (1691) a community record book was kept. In the same place is found an exact copy of the agreement between the kehile and the Khevre Kadishe, according to which the kehile – as backing of its debt of 100 gildn that it owed the Khevre Kadishe – give it an expensive Torah scroll that was written on deer parchment; the columns began with the vovn (the letter vov) and the commemoration (that is, the names of the martyrs) were written with special pen and ink.

It can be seen from the further notations on the same side that with the loan the Khevre Kadishe had done a great favor for the kehile because the money was urgently needed for an important matter and the leaders of the kehile found themselves in a difficult situation, not being able to raise the money from anywhere else.

The pages 62 and 63 contain the important records, written in the year 5406 (1686). Here was established a certain order in the conduct of the Khevre Kadishe. The access for new members in the society was standardized; the order of the banquets that the Khevre Kadishe arranged every seventh day of Passover and Shemini Azeteres was registered. It was even added according to which order the society members have to sit at the table. The gabbim had to take strict care that the members should not speak any nonsense at the table, but they should behave in a serious and dignified manner. The duties of every member were also clearly specified. The following rules were characteristic:

“Eight days before the banquet, a note must be made of how much money each one in the Khevre Kadishe must give for mead. The designated sum had to be paid to the [provider of mead] by everyone, even those who deal in mead.”

“Everyone is obligated to come to the banquet on time. If one does not come, he must give double the amount for mead than for what he had been taxed. On the other hand, if he shows that he was not at home, he only has to give half.”

“The shamas [assistant to rabbi] may not separately invite any of the members to the banquet, but after he calls out in the synagogue where the banquet will be held, all members must receive a separate invitation.”

“The members – as well as the gabbai – may not bring any strangers to the banquet.”

On page 66, side 1 is found an agreement with a shamas who wanting to enroll in the Khevre Kadishe and not having the ability to make a payment of the membership dues, the regulations of the society were overlooked – and he committed himself to serve the society for two years, from 5452-5453 (1692-1694).

On page 66, side 2 is noted that in 5454 (1694), for a certain Reb Moshe Meir bar Eliezar a silver badge that was engraved with his name was dedicated by the Khevre Kadishe.

Registrations of members and lists of elected heads of supervision, gabbaim and auditors, are found scattered without a chronological order throughout the entire pinkes. The members registered extend from the year 5441 (1681) to the present time. It is the same with the list of the gabbaim elected to the Khevre Kadishe through ballot boxes. The elections took place every year during Khol haMoed Pesakh [the intervening days of Passover]. The chief head supervisor or the head sexton was always the local rabbi who was often not mentioned by his name but only “the great rabbi of our congregation” and, therefore, it is not always possible to establish who was then the rabbi.

On page 85, side 2 was written a strict rule that prohibits the members – with the severest consequences – from playing cards. This precept was established in Khol haMoed Pesakh in 5488 (1728).

In 5628 (1868) on page 141, side 1 was written a precept that none of the supervisors or gabbaim who take part in a meeting of the council can bring someone with them, not even a member of the Khevre Kadishe. Under a strict penalty, which reached up to removing the guilty one from the society, it was forbidden to talk about the negotiations that took place at the meeting. A new member was obligated to serve the Khevre Kadishe at the banquets over the course of three holidays (the three main holidays [Passover, Shavous and Sukkos]. He could buy his way out [of serving] if he paid the society 18 silver rubles or at least 10 silver rubles according to the judgement of the gabbaim.

On page 148, side 2 we find the following notation from 5608 (1848), written by the then Rabbi, Reb Chaim Dovid Langfus, of blessed memory:

“At a meeting of the gabbaim of the Khevre Kadishe with mazhgikim [supervisors of Jewish dietary laws], the dozores [synagogue council] of the kehile as well as the Yehudi sgule [the few and chosen people], it was decided that as it was then a precept that to be on the safe side, the kehile should take two parts of the income and the Khevre Kadishe one part – now the Khevre Kadishe should take all of the income because the revenue up to that time did not cover the expenses of the Khevre Kadishe, which was overwhelmed with large debts.”

This was signed by the dozores and the gabbaim of the Khevre Kadishe.

On page 177, side 2 we find a notation, the Rabbi, Reb, of blessed memory (Graubart), who had previously been the Siedlce Rabbi, was welcomed as the Będzin rabbi in 5653 (1893).

Right on the second side, number 178, side 1, we find a notation about the appointment of the Rabbi, Reb Tzvi Chanoch haCohen, of blessed memory (Lewin), as the rabbi in Będzin, in 5681 (1931).

After this notation is found the handwritten registration of Rabbi Lewin, of blessed memory, as the rabbi of the Khevre Kadishe.

On side 2 of page 178 to side 1 of page 179 a 25-year anniversary celebration for the gabbai Mendl Ferens of the Khevre Kadishe is mentioned, which took place in 5604 (1924) in the premises of the kehile with the participation of Dr. Sh. Wajnciher, who was then the head of the kehile. At the banquet, Mendl Ferens received from his friends a silver memorial cup with an appropriate inscription.

On the further pages are found notations from recent times of deferred payments for new places that were bought for the cemetery. The last notation is dated the 7^th of December 1936.

As is clear from several further notations, a new pinkes for the Khevre Kadishe was presented. From this

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pinkes certain precepts that had been accepted by the council and the gabbaim were transferred to the old pinkes.

The notations in the above-described pinkes show that from the time of 1681, the time we report from the pinkes, the Będzin Jewish population carried on intensive spiritual, communal and philanthropic activities. Specific traces have been left on the usually idyllic Jewish life in Będzin; the various unrest, the uprisings and persecutions that broke out from time to time and fell gravely on the Będzin Jewish population.

Original footnote:

1. The dotted-marked places indicate the illegible words in the heavily worn-away text. Return

Translator's footnotes:

1. Record books. Return
2. The Three Weeks from 17^th of Tammuz to Tisha b'Av – the 9^th of Av – are a period of mourning for the first and second Temples in Jerusalem. Tisha b'Av is a fast day considered the saddest day of the Jewish calendar. Menakhem Av is the traditional name of the month of Av. The name Menakhem is translated as “comforter or consoler.” Return

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The last 25 years of Jewish life in Zagłębie are – in general – rich in various events. All of these events, which occurred in Jewish social and communal life were always echoed throughout Zagłębie. Jewish Zagłębie always reacted – sometimes greater, sometimes weaker – to all the events that we underwent.

Now, with all those years are behind us, it seems that we are looking into a past that has disappeared long ago. The new era that began after the war will not allow the tragic situation from before the war to return. However, in the light of the reality we live in, we see that the numerous problems facing the Jews have not disappeared and that the many burning problems have remained in the same actuality that they existed 25 years ago. It also has become clear to us that since the plight of the Jews repeats itself throughout history, 25 years is quite a relatively short interval in time.

The final years of Czarism were very difficult for the Jews in former Russia. After the freedom movement was stifled during the years 1905 to 1906, a reactionary regime with an iron fist was established. Black money was rampant and being under the gendarme's thumb, where no free thought was permitted, social and cultural work was barred in even the most honorable environments since the Czarist spies saw revolutionary shadows everywhere (“fifth columnists”).

It is self evident that when one writes about Jewish life during the last years of Czarism that a whole complex of Jewish persecution and decrees, that would certainly have been carried out with completely brutal severity and had it not been for the world war, the Czarists were prevented from realizing their murderous plans.

In the year 1913, the Czarist government began invoking an old law according to which Jews were not permitted to live in an area within 21 verst from the border. The Jews from the Zaglembian villages were, because of this, obligated to leave their homes.

With the participation of Rabbi Jekutiel Zalman Graubart, a Będzin memorandum was edited and a telegram sent to the Ministry of the Interior to prevent this fateful decree. In a separate action the Jewish deputy of the “Gosudarstwenaja Duma” [parliament], Dr. Bomasz, had endeavored to contact high levels in St. Petersburg, in addition Baron David Ginsburg was asked to intervene on this behalf.

In a letter dated March 22^nd, 1944, Icchak Grinbaum wrote to Rabbi Graubart about the reaction to this fateful sentence:

“I have received a letter from the Jews living in the villages from the district of Będzin and asked me to reply to Dr. Bomasz and to write a telegram to the minister to expedite the expulsion and to inform you about this matter. Hence, I am informing you that I wrote to Dr. Bomasz today and also added the necessary material. I will have the telegram ready within the next couple of days and will send it to you promptly.”

During the period of the expulsion we were witness to another tragic event that left behind a substantial impact in the Jewish economic structure. This was the boycott that was organized by the “Endecja” against the Jewish population following the election of the Russian parliament in 1912 where, with the help of Jewish votes, the candidate of the PPS, Jagiello, was elected and the “Endecja” candidate, Kuchaszewski, failed.

In this particular “holy” anti-Jewish act, the entire “Endecja” party and press was antagonized. In the Zaglembian communities a complete chain of cooperative stores were opened, which took away a large number of Christian clientele from the Jewish storekeepers. The boycott drove many thousands of Jewish business owners to the brink of economic destruction and they were wiped out.

The “Endecja”, in their Jewish struggle were not alone; they also had the assimilated Jews of Zagłębie come to their aid, who had not remained behind the times in relation to their friends in Warsaw. As we read in the “Endecja” newspaper “Iskra” number 287 from the year 1912: “The assimilated Jews of Sosnowiec sent a telegram to Warsaw protesting against the non-election of Kuchaszewski.” The assimilated Jews of Będzin sent a similar telegram.

The economic destruction in the Jewish community, which came as a result of the Czarist Jewish persecution and from the boycott was a factor behind the beginnings of mass emigration.

Thousands of emigrants passed through Zagłębie which is encircled by borders; apart from legal emigrants a large number of illegal emigrants flooded the borders, and it quite often occurred that poor emigrants from various cities fell into the hands of professional smugglers who simply robbed and abandoned them to the G-d's care in the Czeladz fields. No amount of warnings helped. The total number of victims continued to grow.

At the Sosnowiec railway station there was a D. K. A. employee with a shiny tin badge on his cap, who moved about there but was not able to render much assistance. Large groups of emigrants passed through Zagłębie, through Myslowice, to Galveston, North and South America, Argentina, Brazil and other countries. We saw the “parade” of Jewish poverty for ourselves. The nearer we drew to the world war, the number of emigrants continued to grow (from Poland, Lithuania and Russia).

On its outset, the world war cut off the stream of emigration and returned the Jewish masses to other directions of pain and suffering.

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1) A Short Introduction

To write the history of the “Zagłębier Zeitung” [Zagłębie Newspaper] is surely no easy task, if one wants that this work to be accurate and conscientiously done, because a whole era comes into play here, a jubilee where you have to turn back the pages and refresh the memories of 26-27 years ago.

In such moments very variant and colorful memories arise that keep on changing while flashing by, with one memory chasing the other, and we think that we are looking through a kaleidoscope in which we admire a marvelous symphony of colors.

When you take a newspaper in hand and want to acquaint yourself with it, you must first look at the title to see how old it is, for how many years it has been published, and if it has reached a respectable age; only then can it be treated with the respect and acknowledgement that it deserves.

Naturally, as soon as a newspaper has been in existence for a long time, then we have to pay attention to it, even if it is only for the age that it has reached, in the same way that we respect an elder person which we assume has acquired wisdom as well as age over the years.

And a newspaper is indeed like a living being. From the first moment of its inception, it has to be nurtured like a child from birth on.

And there is a lot to endure from this capricious child-newspaper: all of a sudden it has uncovered a secret which has the whole town and its surroundings reeling; another time the same child sends out warnings not to play in the mud from which it could become very difficult to disengage and get clean.

This is, in fact, the mission of a newspaper, i.e. to be alert and like a sensitive seismograph, to detect the differentiated vibrations in the social life of the place.

The coin also has a flip side: the newspaper, from its side, has the obligation to do everything in its power in order to reach a certain required level if it wants to aspire to the moral right to dictate and to deliver decisive opinions which the public should consider.

In order to attain this degree of acceptance, we have to conserve the sanctity of the printed word. Each problem must be handled honestly, with integrity and sincerity. The truth – no matter how terrible or awful it might be – must be the ideal of those that nurture the newspaper, but simultaneously, lies must be uprooted without consideration of whom it might bother or anger.

Did we preserve these axioms? Was this the ideal of the founding fathers? These very important questions should only be answered by the reading body of the newspaper, these very same people who were raised and educated by “The Zagłębie Newspaper.”

On July 21st, 1911, the first edition of the “Zagłębie Newspaper” was published. But in those years, to publish a newspaper was no easy matter for two reasons. First of all, the average person was afraid of approaching the printed word, notwithstanding that this same person might have had a tremendous love for Jewish culture. On the contrary, the stronger the relationship, the greater the appreciation for the printed word; thus the more one felt the responsibility it implied.

Just as a pious scribe would go to the Mikveh to purify himself prior to writing the holy letters of the Torah, thus also the writer felt the words he was to publish as holy script. He, therefore, viewed his work not as a profession, but rather as a higher ideal which he had been granted from the powers up above.

Secondly, in those years – during the reign of the Russian monarchy – it was not easy to get a concession for a newspaper, so that the publication of one was not entirely kosher. Therefore, they couldn't even consider, at that time, to give the “child” the name “The Zagłębie Newspaper.” They had to try to finagle and fool the Tsarist regime by giving the paper the alias “Advertisement Sheet,” which was edited as a free attachment to the Warsaw newspapers. Otherwise, they would never have been able to sneak it in.

Later on, we were allowed to charge for the paper, and from that moment on we were able to assume the role of an independent organism which was spread from Sosnowiec to Piotrków and was, aside from in Łódź, the only Yiddish publication in the Congress-Poland province.

The “Annoncen Blatt“ [Advertisement Paper] quickly started to develop, so much so, that it was soon necessary to open a publication department in Częstochowa. This department was under the leadership of Rafael Federman, with the association of Mosze C. (Checinski is now a publisher in America). The newspaper was also distributed farther in Piotrków, Radomsk, Kielce, Lublin and even in Upper Silesia which at that time was part of Germany.

The fact is that the local Jews were already quite assimilated and did not have any real interest in a Yiddish newspaper, but the fact that Zagłębie and Upper Silesia were bound economically forced the Upper Silesian Jews to remain in contact with us.

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The merchants in Katowice and Bytom [Beuthen], the industrialists, the doctors and others like them, knew how to exploit this newspaper infrastructure and filled it with advertisements at a time when the general public did not understand why they spent so much money on such foolishness.

The advertisement section flourished, but the informative part of the newspaper lagged behind and developed very slowly. For example, the writer of this article started to edit publications in the form of “letters” under the alias “Abraham” – reflections of current social life. Later on, the chronicles of all the cities and towns became richer and more interesting.

Thereafter, we were joined by Lajbl Goldsztajn, who worked intensively writing theater reviews and also some light articles.

At the same time Jeszaja Lewkowicz appeared who began, more or less, to take part in the newspaper.

Later on he was joined by Maks Aronowicz, who took part in the newspaper with enormous sacrifice making the effort to give the newspaper a fitting tone and form.

Szlomo Abramson, living in Będzin, also contributed to the economic articles, which were written with a business sense, and the reader felt that he is being addressed by a knowing intelligent person from whom there was much to learn.

The following people began to contribute individually with polemic articles: J. Wygodzki, Goldmer, Jewic, J. M. Wajnryb, B. Preger, etc.

Kielce, that played a major role as a state capital, awarded us the then still very young poet Fiszel Bimko who, today, occupies a very important place in the Yiddish literary family of America.

This was a first period of the Yiddish published word in Zagłębie.

It should be stressed that all of the co-workers, aside from myself, did not know at the time that the newspaper was illegal and that we were threatened at any moment to be arrested. Notwithstanding all that, we persisted until we were finally granted a concession from the Piotrkówer governor for our newspaper, and at which time it began to be called “Unzer Telefon” [Our Telephone].

If we had already progressed, making the “Annoncen Blatt” [Advertisement Paper] into an independent paper that cost money which had, at the time, an immense importance – the fact that we received this concession meant that we had broken through a tremendous barrier, permitting us to work legally.

For this unbelievably difficult pioneering work, I, who am penning this article, must thank my father who stopped for no one and at nothing until he was able to realize this concession for the paper.

Prior to this moment, we had to print our newspaper in Szlomo Belchatowski's printing shop in Piotrków, which, I must say, was not an easy task. Having received the concession for “Unzer Telefon” [Our Telephone], we started to look around for a printing shop in the Będzin area. In order to achieve this we linked up with Efraim Zajdner, who, in those years, possessed the largest printing shop in Będzin, and on November 1913, the first edition of “Our Telephone” appeared as a totally legal newspaper. This date is most important with relevance to the affairs of the Yiddish press in Zagłębie.

Just after 2 editions of the legal newspaper had been published, we received, from Breslau [Wrocław] the sad news that the Będziner Rav, Reb Issachar Graubart z”l had passed on. We then printed an extra edition which was distributed in thousands of copies, not only in our city, but also in the surrounding area and in cities farther away. The interest in the newspaper became so big that we had to start printing daily, at least until after the eminent Rabbi's funeral and his burial.

As time went on, the newspaper invested more and more resources in itself and gathered around it the cream of Yiddish-speaking Zagłębie.

As an impartial organism, our newspaper tried to function on a very high level and thus battled for a better existence and a more beautiful future. Our articles which were logically written drew respect and interest and thus also attracted a continuous stream of contributing co-workers such as J. Pejsachson, M. Halpern, G. Stawski, B. Tencer, M. Fajnkind, etc.

But in the middle of the development of our newspaper, in its most glorious and sparkling period, lightning struck and the fires of Hell descended as World War I broke out in 1914.

Friday, July 31^st, 1914 the newspaper appeared, and the next day, on Saturday, the Russian militia, Natshalstoveh, and the governmental police administrators fled to Warsaw in a tumult.

Sunday, Zagłębie was already occupied by a German military division. The fear was unimaginable because the Germans declared war and imposed occupation conditions, first of all, requisitioning all food products.

We were immediately cut off from Warsaw and Łódź and had no communication so that we found ourselves in a box, closed in, without being able to catch our breath. Then, at the same time we found ourselves also in an indecisive position. What should we do? Publish the newspaper? Contact the Germans, who theoretically are those that have to supply us with the information? And then present the newspaper to the censor?

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That was surely dangerous because everyone was sure that any day the Russians were going to return, and then all of us who had any contact with the enemy would be sent off directly to freezing Siberia. On the other hand, to stand by on the sidelines and not publish the newspaper at such a critical moment in history, when more than in any normal time we have to take upon ourselves this responsibility, didn't suit us either. After a lot of tribulations, we decided to publish the newspaper anyhow, and because of the explosive current events, we also decided to transform it into a daily for the time being.

Not having any other Yiddish newspaper, we simply swallowed all the expenses ourselves. One should not forget that at that time the newspaper served as a guide. The newspaper printed and informed the public of everything that had to be publicized and all the changes made by the German commanders, and thus the readers were informed when they are allowed to be in the streets, (curfew), what is not allowed in the house without special permission, etc… Our task was also to warn the inhabitants that they should listen to the orders of the civilian militia, even if they are fellow Jews or even acquaintances. The daily newspaper then became an important factor in our daily lives.

The longer the Germans stayed in Poland, the more they began to boss the people around, especially so in the Zagłębie area, where - because of its strategic position - they felt more secure and comfortable. It went so far that they confiscated one of the editions of “Our Telephone” and ordered the newspaper to stop printing. But the question was not solved therewith. One fine day, a committee presented itself with the editor-in-chief of the German Press Representation at its head which requisitioned our editing office, demanding the private telephone communications with the Russian army from which we receive our information for the news in “Our Telephone”. (They thought we had a type of Red Phone linked to the government.) When we explained that the name alone of the newspaper refers to the word 'telephone' and it doesn't mean that there is virtually a telephone in use, nor do we have any such communication, they didn't believe us, and they started searching all over the office and the printing room for such an underground telephone. Of course, even in the printing room they found no such telephone or apparatus. But the end was that they did not allow us to continue publishing the newspaper. We were written off by them…

Edited by Lisa Newman

Early on Monday, November 11, 1918, we in Zagłębie began to gradually sense there would soon be a breakthrough in the world order. Over the next several hours, the German military and civilians fled; they simply disappeared from Zagłębie with lightning speed, and customary German orderliness and punctuality. By the time we inhabitants began to understand the historical events occurring around us, there was not a single German left in sight.

A new civil militia was immediately established to maintain order; many Zagłębie citizens took part, and we even received weapons in order to achieve this objective.

At the same time our newspaper “Our Telephone” (which had strongly opposed the Germans) reappeared, only to be discontinued again by the Polish government on June 28^th1919, till the whole issue of “Our Telephone” could be cleared up.

In order not to lose momentum during this important historic time, we republished our earlier issues: on July 4^th 1919 there we published “Friday” and on July 11^th “Shabbat Eve”. But in the absence of specific explanations about the closing of “Our Telephone” we didn't dare risk publishing further issues without approval, and so on July 18^th 1919 we began publishing instead “The Zagłębie Newspaper”, which exists until today.

With the rebirth of an independent Polish government, Polish citizens were freed from the yoke of slavery and a new life pulsated. Together with the Polish people, we Jews, also contributed bricks and mortar to the immense rebuilding process of an independent Poland. At this historic moment our social life began to take form too: the newspaper became a living factor, the roadmap for the citizens who undertook their responsibility towards the newly established government.

We were very careful to maintain a “clean” newspaper, not to dirty or degrade the written word. We avoided dealing with personal polemics, nor did we allow individuals to carry out, in the name of the newspaper, things that would be to their benefit alone. We did, however, show the utmost recognition and gratitude to honest and devoted social representatives who acted for the good of the whole. More than anything else, we hated false flattery, and felt no obligation in that regard, as might have been the case in other provincial newspapers.

In fact, many individuals have tried to take revenge on us whenever possible, but we do not concern ourselves with that at all. From the first day the newspaper appeared until today, we never sought favors or advertisements from any company or large industrialist, nor did we pursue any demands or favors via the newspaper.

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Indeed, we refused to celebrate the newspaper's 25^th anniversary with a jubilee issue (as would have been appropriate to a newspaper of our standing) as friends locally and abroad suggested, simply because publishing such an issue would have entailed great expense and required subsidies from outside which we did not want.

The newspaper refused to favor one side or another; we always served the interest of the people and fought for the good of all, no matter their political allegiance.

The newspaper's faithful readers are found not only in Zagłębie, but also among our Zagłębie brethren abroad, in Israel, America, or anywhere else in the world; wherever they are, they seek in “The Zagłębie Newspaper”, “the haymish, warm regards from the old home that they once knew”.

Our in-house permanent editorial staff includes R. Let, S. Lewkowicz (Ben Amotz), Selekt, Eles, and Dr. Papori, and the following regular contributors: J. Oberzanek, P. Blumenkranc, Ch. Zieloni, S. Rotenberg, Dr. Weinziher, Dr. Rechtman, Juda Jafet, J. Wygodzki, Z. Haber, L. Goldsztajn, Rosa Jakubowicz, L. Tenenbaum, and N. Szternberg.

Important work, worthy of mention, was carried out by the following co-workers: M. Fajnkind, in 1934, wrote, among others, in-depth dissertations on subjects, such as “The Będziner Community in the Second Half of the 19^th Century” and later “The First Epoch of the Sosnowiecer Community”. Aside from that, for every holiday there was an historical account in accordance with the holiday on hand.

Eliezer Rubinlicht (The chairman of the community committee)		Abram Liwer (Vice chairman of the community committee)
Szlomo Jicchak Rinski (The chairman of the community board)		Nuta Londner (Vice chairman of the community board)

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J. Wygodzki had to prepare an article for each holiday based on the books of our sages z”l. He returned to their past when Jews were still an independent nation in their own country with their own language, culture and tradition, and beautifully entwined the past into the future. Such studious research that is simultaneously apropos to current life could only issue from the pen of one who possesses so much knowledge and intelligence as our friend Wygodzki.

S. Lewkowicz (Ben Amotz) is co-editor and directs the Zagłębie chronicles. He also puts together the satirical and humorous “Koch-Leffel” [wooden spoon] and writes vividly under the generic name of “Heard and Seen”. He also worked on the editorial correspondence of “Our Panorama”.

S. Rotenberg at first wrote articles about current events, later covering problems of the times under the heading “Remarks”. As well, he gave details about professional events in art and reviewed art exhibits and musical and theatrical performances. When Rotenberg returned from Vilna where he studied in 1932-1933, he publicized concerning the differences in our newspapers and this in a series of articles entitled “The Lithuanian Jerusalem”, wherein he came to express the general life in Jewish Vilna, and in specific the activity of the important Jewish culture in Vilna and its social institutions. For his work, Rotenberg was rewarded with a collective letter of gratitude/appreciation from the presidents of all these institutions. This letter was forwarded to us and published in “The Zagłębie Newspaper” September 1, 1933.

P. Blumenkranc reflected on the most sensitive and disturbing issues of the times, as well as writing serious articles about various subjects both Jewish and secular. Blumenkranc also painted beautifully and wrote fine theatrical reviews and critiques.

G. Stawski wrote for us reports and character sketches about modern leaders of national thought such as N. Sokolow and Ch. N. Bialik, whom he still remembered from the time that he was a teacher in Sosnowiec. Stawski also wrote about the differences within the newspapers. In 1936 he wrote a larger interesting dissertation entitled “Memoirs of the First Zionists in Zagłębie”.

In the largest capitals abroad we were represented by the following correspondents: Z. Haber (Vienna), Dr. Imerglik (New York), S. Wajs and Motek Hampel (Israel). Dr. Froman covered the rest of America, Africa and other countries.

As you know, we have several editorial friends, who write under aliases without revealing themselves, nor do they allow the editors to reveal their identities. Readers and friends of the newspapers have a hard time accepting that they should read weekly articles written by “X” or “Y” without knowing who the person is behind them.

This happened years ago. In Sosnowiec, all the readers were certain, just as two plus two equals four, that Dr. Papori is no other than Dr. Perlman. And as many times as we might have declared to our readers that it is not so, they believed neither our nor Dr. Perlman's denials, and he therefore often bore the brunt of their dissatisfaction. But he had an opportunity to prove to his followers and opponents that Dr. Papori of the newspaper was not himself, when one of our colleagues published an article that presented the problems of the community in a manner that did not correspond to Dr. Perlman's opinion, which was known as he was a community representative. Yet still there were those who remained in doubt, and only when Dr. Perlman passed away and Dr. Papori continued to write, were they convinced that his declaration and ours were the truth.

Another episode with one of our pseudonyms happened in Będzin, several years ago. A delegation of three well-known and respected people in the city came into the editorial office and requested to know the identity of our colleague who penned under the name of R. Let. He had apparently offended the pride of their association for which they suffered a material loss and since they didn't want to have a run-in with the editorial staff, they only wanted to sue the author himself. Of course we responded that we were not allowed such a thing without the author's approval. But they declared that they knew anyhow who the culprit was, that everyone knows that the author is in reality Rubinlicht. They were convinced that that R. Let stood for Ru-Benlicht.

Such incidents arose because we allowed writers to keep secretive pseudonyms.

Since 1933, we have also published for Kielce and surroundings an altered edition of our newspaper, called the “Kielcer Zagłębie Newspaper”.

The reader who eagerly takes up the newspaper surely doesn't realize how difficult it is to edit a newspaper that is responsible towards the public, and keeps to an adopted line of thought; reading the finished product, he doesn't see the difficulties and sacrifices involved in producing it.

Thus we made an attempt at a short characterization, an overview of the publication of “The Zagłębie Newspaper” in all its stages.

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