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[Page 500]

Cornerstone Laying Ceremony for Talmud Torah Kol Ary'

In Kiryat Bobov in Israel in the Year 5724 [1964]

 

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At the Occasion of the Cornerstone Laying of the Talmud Torah, “Kol Ary'” in the name of or Chief Rabbi from Cieszanow, The Righteous Rabbi Ary' Leibusz Rubin זצ”ל

From left to right: The Chief Rabbi of Bobov, Rebbe Shlomo Halberstam שליט”א, the founder of Kiryat Bobov, the son-in-law of the Righteous Rabbi from Cieszanow, Aharon Untzig, Moshe Eliach, Yekhezkiel Heller, Israel Wermuth, Yehoshua Heller, R' Elish Scharf, and others

 

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The Cornerstone Laying (Continued)

From the right: Sinai Greenbaum, Yehoshua Heller, Moshe Blonder, the young man Ben-Zion Ary' Leibusz Halberstam son of the Rebbe of Bobov שליט”א, The Bobov Rebbe, Aharon Untzig, Y. Heller, Mendl Pflug, and others

[Page 501]

Memories of Tomaszow-Lubelski

by Shmuel Shiflinger
Former President of the Tomaszow Jewish Community

In the year 1906, as a student who was a political partisan, I was compelled to leave Lodz, together with thousands of others, because of a panic that was elicited by a well-known provocateur of that area, called ‘Noah,’ who cooperated with the Czarist police and precipitates a number of arrests. I took up residence in the far-flung city of Tomaszow-Lubelski, taking advantage of the fact that my grandfather, R' Israel Weinrib managed the Piaseczna water mill. Tomaszow then, made a very upsetting impression on me: unpaved streets, no electric lighting, sunken in darkness and mud, made up largely of old wooden houses covered in shingles, inhabited for the most part by an impoverished Jewish populace of small businessmen, manual workers, village itinerants and the unemployed. A small number of merchants, who provided for the Cossack Division that was stationed there, reckoned themselves as being wealthy.

It is worth to take note of the fact, that the Cossacks, though half savage, thanks to their own discipline, comported themselves in an orderly manner in the city. However, they manifested a weakness for pilfering. Because of this, Jews already knew that they had to be wary of them. Occasionally, one would purchase a stolen mezuzah from a Cossack, when he had nothing else to steal. It was told in this manner, that a Cossack one time to the premises of a Jew, a ‘Khapina Rub’, a stolen Ruble, for 50 kopecks. That was the price of a theft. In the city, Jews would bend over in laughter at such pilfering bargains.

 

A Theater Presentation

Ignoring the oversight of the Czarist police authority, the young people began to get involved, a little bit at a time, in political and social ideas. under the influence of the neighboring city of Zamość. It was in this manner that organizations like the S.S. – Zionists, and the Bund, were created. Cultural life began to develop, with the arrival of the Zamość lawyer, Sobol, and the dentist, Yid'l Gerzon.[1] The youth would come together and keep company at their homes. Later on, Meir Baum, a carpenter from Chelm also came, who was a member of Poalei Tzion, who organized an amateur group who put on Goldfadn's play, ‘Di Bubbe Yakhneh.’ Ignoring the stern looks of the rigorously observant, the play nevertheless attracted a large audience of observers. The children besieged the windows and the entrance to the theater, and the voices and laughter could be heard at quite a distance. Many months after the performance, in which Gerzon played the part of Hotzmakh, he was not to be envied. The kids would run after him in the streets yelling Hotzmakh! Hotzmakh! Look, there goes Hotzmakh.

It was more difficult for the Poles to get permission to put on a play in the Polish language. The policy of the Czarist authority was to make the population undergo Russification. It was also a requirement to teach Russian in the Jewish Heders.

[Page 502]

Dr. Zawadzki

The district physician, Dr. Feliks Zawadzki, his wife and only daughter, were the most liberal people in the city. It is worth making note of the fact, that for many years, the Doctor's wife, helped by her servant, on every Friday would carry and distribute packages with products to the poorest and the sick Jewish families in order that they have provisions for the Sabbath.

In 1910, Dr. Zawadzki organized a volunteer fire brigade in the city. Very few Jews responded to his appeal to join the brigade. Among those who joined voluntarily were: the writer of these lines, with his brother, Yaak'leh Rofeh, Chaim Mikhl Horn (a tailor), Menashe Kass (a porter) and Yoss'leh Lustig (a shoemaker). It is naturally a very sad thing to say, that the religiously observant fathers of the Hasidic shtiblakh, did not permit their sons to put on a fire fighter's insignia, and take part in this important institution, which did wondrous work during conflagrations in the city, under dangerous conditions.

 

A Victim in Illegally Crossing the Border

Jews that wanted to emigrate, or who were politically suspect who wanted to save themselves from being sent off somewhere in Siberia, were given help in Tomaszow. The first of these groups were provided with ‘polpaskehs’ (a document that gave permission to a resident at the border to cross that border) by some of the ‘movers and shakers’ using other names, or with a peasant who would smuggle them illegally across the border. The second of the groups, the political suspects, but with recommendations from the parties, were sent to us by several unreliable people, and they were turned over into more secure hands, to cross the border illegally.

On one day, the Jewish population was frightened by whining and confused screams from a strange Jewish woman, saying that her husband had been killed. Her husband, from Krasnystow, had come to Tomaszow ten days earlier, and was handed over to a peasant in the village of Jeziernia, who was supposed to smuggle him over the border illegally. It was agreed, that he would immediately write to his wife when he would successfully cross the border; but until now, his wife has had no news from her husband. Jews intervened with the police, but the latter simply did not want to undertake an investigation. They even did not arrest the peasant. Deeply moved by this misfortune, I negotiated with Dr. Zawadzki to permit a group of 15 firemen to assist me in looking for this vanished Jew. Thanks to Dr. Zawadzki's intervention, the authorities permitted us to mover about freely in the border area for a period of 24 hours. On the next day, I came with a division of 15 firemen, to the peasant in the border village of Jeziernia, on whom a suspicion had fallen that he wanted to murder and rob the Jew that he was supposed to illegally take over the border. Upon seeing us, the peasant fled and vanished. We searched the house and the granary and we notices flecks of blood on the door. We immediately found an axe with bloodstains on the handle. It was then that we put even more energy into our search and foraging around in the fields and woods, until towards evening, we encountered a soft mound of earth that appeared to be freshly dug. We quickly dug out the first layer of earth, and saw a hand sticking out. I immediately ordered that the digging be stopped, and to call the police. In their presence, we dug out the body, but without the decapitated head, which we could not find. The wife confirmed that this was her husband. With bitter tears, and fear, the Jews of the city stood by and looked along the length of the Lemberg Road, as we, the group of firemen, escorted the wagon with the covered deceased, which we turned over to the Hevra Kadisha.


Translator's footnote
  1. Both the Sobol and Gerzon families are well documented in the Zamość Memorial Book, though not necessarily these two individuals. Return


[Page 503]

The Common Folk Get a Place

By Y. Moskop

As it has already been said many times, those activists who are engaged in producing this book, tried with all of their energy, to assure that this book will reflect the life of the Jewish community in all of its aspects. In these articles, each of the writers put in their heart and soul to put memories and situations on paper, people and circles, in which he would portray everyone in their own way, and from all of these writings, it was expected that a holistic portrait would emerge of the Jewish past in our city.

Having all of the articles in our possession, it becomes evident that one sector of the Jewish populace, and as it happens, a significantly large sector, has almost been overlooked. It pokes through, here and there, like an afterthought, but it does not seem to exist as a living, influential factor. For example, you do see the ecstasy of a yard full of Hasidim, dances from the impetus of a bit of strong drink, you see the burgeoning Jewish youth in their party headquarters, you can even touch, with your hands, momentum of Jewish commerce and labor as if it were rolling down the hill, but the ‘backbone of simple people’ the man of the masses, the worker, his groan at work, his sharp satirical bon mots, and witticisms in the home, in the street, and in the Bet HaMedrash, and also his stormy reaction, in special circumstances in the city, happens not to have found anyone to describe this in writing.

In order that the picture be more faithful to the reality, I hold it as my responsibility to underscore a number of incidents in the city, which can cast an illumination on the spirited and substantive position of lo, these very people of the masses, at those times when they deemed such a stand to be necessary.

 

A Protest Demonstration

This took place during the time of the Austrian Occupation, most certainly in 1916. The availability of food for the populace was meager. Engaging in commerce was prohibited, and not everyone was capable of engaging in illegal trade. Bread was distributed on the basis of [sic: ration] cards, other foodstuffs were difficult to come by and this – for exorbitant prices. Protests began to manifest themselves against the wealthy Jews, and also against to occupation authorities. Frequent assemblies were called in the plain Bet HaMedrash. The gatherings were run by the ordinary people, with Levi Leder at their head. In the city, he was known as ‘Levi Kock’ (please forgive the crude expression), a shoemaker by trade. The Hasidic element attempted to keep its distance, but the common people forcibly dragged them along.

One time, on a Sabbath morning, the prayer was halted, and the Jews from all of the shtiblakh and Batei Medrashim gathered themselves together in the plain Bet HaMedrash, and in the courtyard of the prayer house, from which a very sizeable crowd then took off in a protest demonstration to the military Commissar of the city. Because of my tender age, I did not grasp what it was they specifically were demanding. However, before my eyes, those one-time ranks of Jews stand, in their velvet caps, and silk coats, mixed in with shoemakers, porters, and just plain paupers, as they marched along the Kiri Highway. And when the huge mass drew near to the place of the Commissar's office, it was met by an armed contingent of military police, led by their senior officer, who incidentally was Jewish, and would come to worship in the Bet HaMedrash, who gave the order, ‘Fire!’ Shots rang out, and people fled in all directions. The municipal Commissar, later on, received a delegation to hear out their demands.

[Page 504]

For a short span of time, there was an extraordinary situation. The forces of the military police were increased, and strengthened, and it was forbidden to assemble in groups in the streets.

 

The Dispute of the Shokhtim and Election of the Spiritual Leader

This took place, if I am not mistaken, in the time, in the year 1931, when the city was shook up by the accusation that the ritual slaughterers had robbed the community.

Since, in Tomaszow, a legally empowered democratically-elected Jewish leadership had begun to function, or as it was called, the ‘Jewish Community,’ the administration of ritual slaughter fell under its purview. It was this very process of ritual slaughter that was the principal source from which it derived its budget. A specific part of the money was allocated for the construction of a new mikva and bathhouse, for which the city had a dire need. The three ritual slaughterers were appointed to in the ‘community,’ which paid them a monthly stipend, and in those years, whenever someone had something to be slaughtered, a fowl or cattle, were compelled to purchase a ticket in the Community, and it was on the basis of these tickets that the ritual slaughterers did their work. The procedure was, that the slaughterers would take the ticket, tore it, and afterwards, would bring back the torn tickets to the Community. According to the agreement between the Community and the ritual slaughterers, that they had signed a promissory note, under penalty of excommunication, to only perform ritual slaughter on the basis of Community tickets, otherwise, the meat from such an [unauthorized] slaughter would be considered ritually unfit [i.e. trayf] for consumption.

A day arrived, when the Community became aware that the ritual slaughterers had a secret agreement with the merchants who traded in geese, who have a large number of geese slaughtered, for both local use and for use out of the city, to slaughter on their behalf for half the price. Naturally, the ritual slaughterers did not tear the tickets after the slaughter, but discreetly returned them to the goose merchants, who then re-used the tickets over and over again, several times.

The Community immediately put the work of the ritual slaughterers to a halt, pending a ritual trial [Din Torah]. Here a new bomb exploded: The Rabbis took the ritual slaughterers under their personal protection. At this juncture, the people became even more worked up against the slaughterers and against the two Rabbis. The controversy spread all over, and continuously drew in ever newer factions, and individuals. The Belz and Kielce Hasidim were on the side of the ritual slaughterers and the Rabbis, because one of the ritual slaughterers was one of them, as well as the adherents to the Cieszanow Rebbe who had taken their side. On the other side were the wide mass of common people called ‘the folks,’ and some parts of other Hasidic factions.

In the interim, the Community imported ritual slaughterers from unfamiliar places, but the Rabbis forbade them to perform. It was at that time that the worshipers of the Synagogue and the Great Bet HaMedrash, took on R' Yehoshua'leh's son, Rabbi Meir Abraham Frischerman, as their spiritual leader. The Community, once again, imported ritual slaughterers, and the two Rabbis, once again, forbade them to perform. However, this time, the [sic: new] spiritual leader sanctioned their [new] ritual slaughter. Announcements of meetings began to appear on the doors of the various houses of study and worship, with quotes of a variety of rabbinical rulings, indicating whether the meat produced by these [new] slaughterers was either kosher or trayf, depending on which side was calling the meeting. Every evening, there were gatherings in the Great Bet HaMedrash, at which speakers from the simple people stepped forward with fiery speeches against the two Rabbis. I still remember, with what heat, ‘Black’ Moshe (Weissleder) screamed from the speaker's

[Page 505]

lectern: Do not curse the leader of your people, so does Rashi say, when he conducts the business of the people, etc.

Once, representatives of both sides traveled to the Rebbe of Belz. The ‘common folks,’ or the Community, sent: the spiritual leader, the Pious Tevel, and Elazar Ader. I do not remember who represented the other side. The Rebbe of Belz did not pronounce any judgement, but he advised the newly arrived ritual slaughterers to vacate, and not to permit themselves to be drawn into a dispute in a strange city. In the end, a ritual court [Bet Din] was convened with members from outside the city, at the head of which was Rabbi Menachem Zemba of Warsaw. The ritual court heard much testimony, from the butchers as well, who also had much to complain against the slaughterers.

The judgement was to suspend the ritual slaughterers for six months, and that they must pay a fine of a certain amount to the community. Additionally, the Community is to hire two additional new slaughterers, so that the total of them will be five slaughterers.

It was in this type of an atmosphere that the election of a spiritual leader had to take place. In this instance, the sides were divided up in the same way as they were for the controversy over the ritual slaughterers. To begin with there were three candidates: 1) Rabbi Rubin, 2) Rabbi Frischerman and 3) Rabbi Tkhuzh from Mizrahi. The last withdrew his candidacy, in order to diminish the chances of the Cieszanow Rebbe who was always the foresworn opponent of the Mizrahi. It is superfluous to say with what an enthusiasm and ardor, the Jews of our threw themselves into this election contest. It drew in, literally, every Jew in the city. A neutral Jew could not be found if your life depended on it.

The result came out in favor of Rabbi Frischerman, who won with a very clear and substantial majority.

I remember the night of the election, after the results became known, everyone streamed to the courtyard of Rabbi Yehoshua'leh's as an enthusiastic crowd. One of the speakers in the packed Hasidic Bet HaMedrash, said approximately the following: Our victory does not consist of the fact that R' Yehoshua'leh's son has become our spiritual leader. Rather, our victory needs to be recognized as a break in the municipal tradition according to which the people of wisdom were only the Rabbis, the elite, and the high class people. With this very victory, the simple people, the tailors, the shoemakers, and run-of-the-mill Jews, exhibited their energetic grasp and willingness to compete for their worth and right as people of wisdom at parity with the others, in this city.


[Page 506]

Jewish Social Self-Help

Counsel to the District Chief of the Lublin District

[In Polish]

 

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Original document in German[1]

 

Lublin, 27 February 1942
Regarding the day, March 2, 1942
L 5078
Zalatwiono

Z. 245/42
Jewish Social Self-Help
Praesidium
in Cracow

Re: The Resettlement of 700 Jews from Tomaszow Lubelski to Cieszanow.

I am referring to the telephone calls in this matter. I spoke today with the official from the Department of Settlements and Welfare. I was told that this Department has no knowledge of a resettlement action. The official, Herr Reuter, was of the opinion, that there is no actual resettlement in force as this would be without authorization of the Department of Resettlement and the government. It is therefore a misunderstanding. Herr Reuter will try to contact Zamość by phone, however he is of the opinion that a long-distance connection with Zamość before nightfall is not possible. Tomorrow, I will again speak to this official. At the same time I am writing an express letter to Tomaszow and Zamość.

Your Truly

Office for Jewish Self-Help
Counsel to the District Chief of Lublin


Translator's footnote
  1. I am indebted to my wife's cousin, Oskar Kleinberg of Toronto, for the translation of the original German document. Return


[Page 507]

E. G. Z.
Jewish Social Self-Help

Delegation in Tomaszow-Lubelski

 

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Original handwritten letter (in Polish), translated into Yiddish

 

Book Number 4/42
Entered 2 March 1942
Run Number 5119

E. G. Z. Praesidium
Cracow

In connection with the transmitted report, we are informing you of the following:

On 24 February of this year, the territorial commissar in Tomaszow Lubelski ordered the forcible expulsion of 800 Jews in the period of one day, on the 25th of the current month. The forcible expulsion took place in a completely orderly fashion. The subject Jews are now located in Cieszanow, which is located about 40 km. from Tomaszow. These people were seated on sleds, which because of a lack of space, had no room for their possessions. Since we had to cover the cost of 100 sleds, and we need precisely the same number to send out the effects that were left behind, consisting of the minimum portable effects, for this alone, we will require an added 20,000 (twenty thousand) zlotys. Those who were forcibly expelled, find themselves in catastrophic conditions, because most of the houses are not habitable. And up till now, the shtetl has not, for the most part, had any Jews, which worsens the situation. It is therefore necessary to organize community kitchens, provide the people with materials for heating, and [other] products. However, we are helpless, having absolutely no financial resources. Under these circumstances, the hapless are doomed to die. We are therefore approaching you to, as speedily as possible, take on the task of providing help in order to resolve the burning question. We beg for mercy, in consideration for your complete, and immediate support. We wish to make completely clear that every day that is lost is equivalent to a death sentence.

In anticipation of prompt help, we respectfully affix our signatures,

E. G. Z.
Jewish Social Self-Help
Delegation in Tomaszow-Lubelski

A. Bergenbaum
Sh. Kruk
Melman

 

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Germans take Jews out in the midst of prayer, to be photographed

 

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