[Page 476]

It began on the eve of Friday of Hol HaMoed Sukkot, when the radio described that Ribbentrop ימ”ש was in Moscow, and had concluded a treaty with Molotov about the partition of Poland and designated the boundaries. It was in this manner that it became known that Tomaszow will go over to the Germans. I think it is worth to convey, in summary, what we lived through in the city during the two weeks with the Germans. This was the time when, on that known Thursday of September 7, 23 Elul, when the Germans in a matter of a few seconds, dropped 10 bombs, and thereby claimed 60 victims, and in the span of several hours destroyed practically the entire city, with the incineration of the part occupied by the Jewish populace, with the Synagogue and the largest part of the study houses.

It was in this way that the Jewish populace began to leave the city, except for those who remained without a roof over their heads, most fled fearing the bombs. When the Germans entered [the city] on the eve of Rosh Hashanah, they did so not so forcefully, but immediately after Rosh Hashanah the battle started with the Poles, and the well-known Monday arrived when the entire Jewish populace was chased out of their houses, onto the Lemberg Gasse, up to the point beyond the City Hall, opposite the new church, and arrayed tanks and machine guns opposite them. An order was immediately issued for the Jews to run back, and you can understand what sort of impression that made. In addition to this, hearing the way the Germans how the Germans were relating to the Jewish populace, when they arrived, it is understandable that immediately after the Sabbath of Hol HaMoed, the Jewish populace began to flee to the Russian side, and the first city there was Rawa Ruska. The first of these were the Rabbi of Cieszanow ז”ל and R' Yaakov Lederkremmer הי”ד. but, many did not want to take the wandering staff in hand. However, when it was seen that day by day there were fewer and fewer Jews, they too were swept along and also fled.

The writer of these lines had already left with the last on Simchat Torah, and still had the need to travel back to Tomaszow at a hour after crossing the border in Belzec, and by that time the border guards shot at those who wanted to travel through or pass through. As 75% of the Jewish populace had gone over to the Soviet side, the largest portion settled in Rawa [Ruska]. It is necessary to also recognize that the Jews from Narol and Cieszanow, which also remained in German hands, also fled to Rawa [Ruska]. One can imagine the situation in Rawa [Ruska], especially the issue of living space. It was such, that many went away to Lemberg, to Zolkow, as cities not far from Tomaszow. But here, the question immediately was posed for those who had fled with nothing to wear or eat, who did not have the means with which to even get through the day. In Rawa [Ruska] there were no places where one could work, such that the people began to go off into Russia, to which the Soviet regime gave ‘shelter.’ Most of these settled in the Ukraine, primarily in the Vinnitsia Oblast. Many of them immediately returned to Galicia, but the largest part remained there, of which, tragically, very few were saved, when the Nazis occupied the Ukraine. The larger part of those who remained here, not far from their ancestral home, settled in a little at a time, but it was then that the edit about passports was promulgated. This means that one had to take a Russian passport, and then travel 100 kilometers over the border, and if not, one would be returned to the Germans. a small percentage took this offer, but by far the larger part did not take it. Then on a certain Friday, on June 29, all the Polish refugees who were to be found in Galicia, and also Christians, were gathered up and shipped off to Siberia, from northern Archangelsk in Komi to the far east Yakutsk area.

[Page 477]

Where Did the Rawa [Ruska] Echelon Go To?

After fifteen days of traveling, they were taken into the Altaiski Krai, whose capitol city was Barnaul, and the second city was Biysk, about which I will have further occasion to write. Those who were rounded up in Lemberg were sent to the Marisk SSR. This is between Ufa and Kazan. Those who had for the first time hidden themselves in Rawa [Ruska] were, the second time, sent to the Archangelsk Oblast, such that the Jewish populace of Tomaszow was totally spread out over all of Russia, and thanks to that, as we Jews say, even this is for good, the larger portion of them were saved.

It is necessary to divide the period into two parts: from June 1940 to the end of 1941, and from there to the liberation in 1946.

The first part is, when all the Polish refugees were sent to the Taigas, and thrown into barracks. It is necessary to emphasize, that these expelled people, despite the fact that they were exiled, and they were called spetzpriselnetsehs, their situation was still bearable. It was worse for those who fell into prisons. These were the ones seized at the borders, or in closed camps, such as individuals without families. As indicated above, the largest part of the [Jews of] Tomaszow, were sent to Altaiski Krai. It is necessary to emphasize that even though this area was Siberia, it was one of the best areas in Russia. The soil there can be compared to that of the Ukraine, or the Caucasus. Apart from fruit, which cannot grow their because of the freezing cold, we had everything there that was exceptional, and the milk there is known as the best in all of Russia. The echelon from Rawa [Ruska] that arrived there, was immediately divided up and sent to different regions, and in many regions they were divided up into a variety of barracks. It was such that in one location, between 10 and 30 families could concentrate themselves. It is also necessary to emphasize, that along with the families from Tomaszow were families from Narol, Cieszanow and the Hubinek vicinity. Here, life was not the same for everyone. It was dependent on the attitude of the authorities, and primarily if the barracks was near something of a Russian settlement, so it would be possible to buy some sort of foodstuffs. But the essential thing was to be able to sell something of what had been brought along from one's home. The worst case was for those people from Tomaszow who fell into the Sarakinsky Region, where the [Rabbi of] Cieszanow זצ”ל fell in, along with many others from Tomaszow. The best was for those who were found in the so-called 152 barracks. What the Jews did there, was what all Polish exiles did. It was necessary to chop, or better said, fell trees in the forests, [a resource] with which Russia was blessed. It was rare that anyone had experience with such work. You can imagine what it was like when someone was put to this sort of work that nobody had ever done, and had never even seen how to do it, apart from those who had dealt in forest products. It is also necessary to be aware that the trees there were from 10 to15 times older that those who had to take them down. But there was no choice, and one began to accustom one's self to this life. There were already many victims at the felling of the trees. The work consisted not only of felling the trees, but also of clearing off the branches, and burning the branches while they were still wet. The latter work was largely handled by the women. The hardest labor was the stabilizing. This means, that after the trees were taken out onto a storage area, and cut into blocks, they had to be stacked 5-6 high. In some of the places, this was accomplished with the help of horses, but in the majority of cases the work was done by people, and also the lowering of the blocks into the water after the winter.

[Page 478]

Where Did They Live?

As previously stated, the exiles, as they [were quartered in] what was called in Russian in ‘posiolkas.’ These were barracks found deep in the forest. Many of them were there yet from Czarist times, but the larger portion were from the modern period. There were a variety of such barracks, some large, some small. This means barracks of between 10 and 20 rooms, and part of them smaller, from 4-6 rooms. And in many barracks they threw together up to two families in a room, and in some locations where there was not such a shortage, each family had its own room. It was only thanks to the fact that each posiolok had a bath, was it possible to make it through.

As previously said, everyone was required to go to work. Anyone who did not go was open to a charge of dereliction that carried with it a jail term of 3 months. But apart from that, it was mandatory to go to work, because if not, you could not receive any bread, and those who did go to work, received bread. Every worker received between 1 and 1.20 kg, but not everyone equally. Children, and those who were not capable of work received 400 grams. In addition to this, each worker received a portion (lapasz) of noodles with water, or kasha, in the morning and evening, and also at noon at work in the forest. This was received from the kitchen. There were some places where this was distributed as a dry product, to be cooked by the recipient. From time-to-time, one would receive a packet of sugar, oil, butter, sweets, but this by itself could not satisfy hunger. This was especially true of those would did not work, and who received almost nothing beside their bread ration. This was apart from whatever could be grabbed in the region, or in the occurrence that it would be possible to additionally purchase from the local residence some potatoes, milk, butter, and occasionally a bird, In the previously mention barracks, 152, from time to time, they would even be able to slaughter a cow, which was slaughtered by R' Yaakov Shokhet ע”ה.

But all this was the case until the war with the Germans broke out. When the war with the Germans broke out, the first thing that happened was the cutting of the bread ration. Workers received no more than 500 grams of bread, and children and people in general, only 150 grams. And the cooked foodstuff was barely distributed once [daily] and also not regularly. There was no speaking of other things. The more the Germans penetrated into Russian territory, in hindsight, the situation worsened. We literally starved. The only thing that provided some sustenance were the red berries, and mushrooms, that grew in the forests. But in this frightful and difficult condition, a ray [of hope] showed itself for the Polish refugees.

At the beginning of Elul, all the Polish refugees were called together, and advised that in accordance with the agreement with Premier Sikorski, all former Polish citizens are free, and can travel freely to any Russian cities that they desire. You can imagine the happiness that reigned. True, nothing changed with regard to the issues of survival, but it lifted the spirits of the people, and accordingly, the work was no longer seen to be so severe. And it was permissible to gather together. It was possible to arrange for prayer services for the Days of Awe without encumbrance. But here a question posed itself: To where does one travel? To travel to European Russia was out of the question, because the Germans were already at the gates of Moscow. The possibility remained to stay where we were, that is to say, Siberia, but to travel out of the Taigas, and to get into the nearest cities, or to travel to Central Asia in Tashkent, Samarkand, Bukhara, and that vicinity. The ones who decided to remain in place did the best, for a variety of reasons, which I will describe later on.

[Page 479]

However, many decided to travel to Central Asia, principally those who lived in the Troitsky Region, including the writer of these lines. Apart from the fact that the climate was warmer there – despite the fact that in the warm lands people suffered from the cold in those months that were cold even more than in Siberia, because in Siberia we never lacked for wood – because many thought that from Central Asia, it would be possible to travel with the Polish Army past the Russian borders. Regrettably, those people that came there suffered frightfully.

As previously mentioned, all those from Tomaszow who lived in the Troitsky Region decided to travel to Samarkand. However, at that time, this was not among the easiest things to do. It was wartime, and refugees from European Russia fled to Asiatic Russia by the tens of thousands, and all the trains and train stations were full of the military and refugees. And the distance to travel from Altaiski Krai to Samarkand was a distance in excess of 3,000 km. So it was necessary to hire wagons. the writer of these lines, and one other person traveled to Novosibirsk, and from there to Barnaul, and after a great effort – and it is necessary that at that time we were big shots, and were looked at differently that before – were found it possible to rent two wagons for the baggage, and the people had to travel by passenger train.

To describe the entire voyage until these 70-80 families arrived there in Samarkand, would take too much paper. Suffice it to say, that the ride from Biysk to Samarkand, that normally has to take at most 5 days by passenger train, took more than two weeks. But the important thing, is that when the Jews arrived in Samarkand, a darkness descended over their eyes. People in thousands, lay in the streets, refugees having fled there from all over Russia, and liberated Polish refugees. And it was here that the first victims began to fall, because we lay in the streets and it was starting to get cold. But more importantly, the frightening typhus epidemic began to seize control. Many were taken and sent off to collective farms. Also, the writer of these lines with several other families were sent out of Samarkand and after several more weeks of traveling around, with an echelon, we came to a collective farm in Kirghizia, in the Osh Oblast. But the largest part stayed in Samarkand, however, the epidemic tragically took many tens of victims from among the Tomaszow exiles.

I wish to return to the Tomaszow residents that were in the other regions of Altaiski Krai, those from the previously mentioned Sarakinsky Region. They did not move from the place, but rather integrated themselves into the life of small towns such as Salair, Gur'jevsk, but regrettably, suffered greatly their during the initial period. It was there that the Rabbi of Cieszanow and his son R' Meir ז”ל died immediately. Later on, others from barracks 152 also traveled to Central Asia. Part went to Uzbekistan, in the Fergana Region, and a second group to Kazakhstan. But those who did best of all were the ones who went to Biysk. That was the place with the largest number of people from Tomaszow. Also, people from other vicinities came there, and it is possible to aver that the plight of those from Tomaszow in Biysk was the best of all. Also, certain families went to Barnaul. Larger groups of people from Tomaszow were in Djamboul, in Tashkent in Leninabad. But there certainly was not a single larger location in Central Asia and Siberia, where people from Tomaszow could not be found.

In the first months of the liberation, it was very frightening for many, and many did indeed die, mostly from disease and many from hunger. Later on, people began to get used to their new life a little at a time. Many wandered from one place to another, where circumstances were better. Those that fell into a collective farm

[Page 480]

tried with all of their might to get themselves to a city, because in the city it was possible to earn a living, and apart from the work, principally, it was possible to buy foodstuffs.

From a political point of view, the Polish citizens from August 1941 to February 1943, felt themselves to be free citizens. In almost every location where there were Polish citizens, there was a Polish delegation, where many received support. Polish schools were opened. A change came at the beginning of 1943, when the Soviet authorities broke their relationship with the London-based Polish Emigré regime, the so-called Sikorski regime. At that time, the passport ruling started up again, but this time not the way it was in the Western Ukraine, were we were not forced. This time, it was a case of ‘putting pressure on, until you said yes.’ This means simply, that no one had a choice in the matter, but had to accept a Russian passport and become a Russian citizen. A small number managed to avoid doing this, and received the so-called non-citizen's passport, that is to say, an international passport. At that time they began to implement military conscription, but here the situation was not the same in all places. In the largest measure, people were mobilized into the Polish Army, which was created by Wanda Wasielewska. In certain locations – in the Russian Army, but in large part, the Polish citizenry did not want to trust going into the military, but chose rather to be mobilized into the labor force, meaning factories and munitions plants. However, not paying mind to this, the Poles felt like Polish citizens, and hoped that with the end of the war, that they will be liberated. The Soviet authorities saw this the same way, because they permitted the formation of Polish commissions under the direction of Wanda Wasielewski in all locations, the so-called Z. P. P. – Zwiazek Patriotow Polskich. The commissions has the objective of carrying out a propaganda campaign for a people's democratic order, and at the same time ran a social help activity for Polish citizens. The largest part of these commissions consisted of Jews, because there were no [gentile] Poles there. and were there were gentiles, they worked in partnership, because at that time in Russia there could not be any talk of ‘kroma yevreiev.’ And in this way, the Polish Jews acclimatized themselves to the Russian Soviet way of life. The largest portion went to work. Here the work was not so heavy as in Siberia. Many took to skilled labor. The intelligent segment went to work in offices. The worst were those who remained in the collective farms or factories.

The hopes to be liberated emerged in the beginning of 1944, when the Germans ימ”ש began to suffer one defeat after another in Russia. We hoped and felt that the liberation was drawing near. However, from the other side, the closer the Russians drew to Poland, the more we became aware of the destruction wrought by the Germans. We became aware that we no longer had any homes. We heard this already by the end of 1943, but we did not want to believe that this had happened. And here, letters began to arrive from people, and also people who were returning from the front, and conveyed everything exactly, such that the human imagination could never conceive that something of this nature could happen. There were isolated individuals, especially those who declined to travel home, as they said, they have nobody to whom to return, and do not want to see the destruction. However, the majority gradually inured themselves to the troubles, and only hoped that Poland will be liberated from Nazi hands, and will have the possibility to return to their ancestral homes. The first hope actually was realized, and realized quickly. In 1944 and the beginning of 1945, Poland was liberated from the Nazi beasts by the Soviet Army, but the second hope weighed continuously heavier on the heart. The first problem was that we were now de facto Soviet citizens, and the situation regarding the ability for a Soviet citizen to travel out of the country is well known, being just like in ancient Egypt. Secondly, as mentioned above, the news that we received was that there was no question of traveling back to our ancestral homes, with the exception of a few cities. Despite this, help did arrive, precisely when the tragic news arrived on a Saturday, similarly, on a specific Saturday in 1945, after the

[Page 481]

capitulation of Germany, the radio in Russia described that Modziewski, the Polish foreign minister was in Moscow and concluded an agreement that all former Polish citizens, including Jews, from all areas that Poland consisted of until 1939, have the right to once again adopt their former Polish citizenship can are permitted to travel home to Poland. But this didn't happen so quickly. In the meantime, the populace got used to the Russian way of life, and also, after the German capitulation, life became a little easier, from the standpoint of way of living. Many participated in providing the social help of the previously mentioned Z. P. P. commissions. A large number of Jews received help through packages requested from the Land of Israel by way of the Landsmanschaft organizations. however, the principal help came from the valuable packages that the Polish Jews received from ‘the Joint’ and the ‘Va'ad Hatzalah’ in America. This came through Teheran. The question of survival was eased considerably, in comparison to what was the situation in 1942-43. Those years can be called the years of hunger, especially for those who lived on collective farms.

Finally, several months after the agreement was concluded between the Polish regime and the Soviets, regional commissions began to travel around in all locations where there were Polish citizens. And were they not? There practically was no location where you could not find a Polish Jew. And the same could be said for the Tomaszow Jews. They were located in every place in Russia. In European Russia, the Caucasus, Siberia, West and East, Central Asia, and all five republics. But the largest Tomaszow community was in Biysk where indeed, things were the best for them, such that they drew other people from Tomaszow there continuously from other places where they might have been found.

Let us return to the commissions. The commissions arrived and carried out the return of citizenship to all the Polish citizens that requested it. We have to emphasize that almost 99% took this option, to the exclusion of one percent, as previously mentioned. Among those from Tomaszow, I am aware of only one person who was in Tokamak in our oblast. However, when we would be released and be able tot ravel home, we still did not know. Meanwhile winter approached, and finally, in the beginning of 1946, we became aware that in February, the first of the echelons of Polish citizens were beginning to move. The process was as follows: a couple of weeks before the liberation in each location, a further regional commission arrived, and everyone was given a tag. On one side, it was in Russian, and on the other side, Polish. The exact day was not known. People made predictions, but not much more. In the location where the writer of these lines was, it was said on Shabbat HaGadol that the echelon was coming on Saturday night, and that we would have to travel on the eve of Passover, which fell on Monday night. So it was, that in the course of several hours, we had to pack up our bit of modest belongings, that each of us had. However, it is necessary to emphasize that this was planned. It was precisely calculated when each echelon has to depart, and on what line it has to travel.

The return trip took about five months, from February to June. It went through four border points: Bialystok-Brisk, Kovel'-Chelm, and Lemberg-Przemysl. One or two echelons passed through Belzec. So it was after six years in exile, that the Tomaszow exiles returned to Poland, but tragically, not to Tomaszow. Because there, in the initial period, no Jew could even spends the night. That was only possible in the new territories that Poland had taken from the Germans, and a part of the group went to Lower Silesia, to places such as Wroclaw, and Richbach, and the second part went to Szczeczin. A small number of families took up residence in Lodz, or Cracow, but this was not for very long, because the largest part immediately left Poland to the [D. P.] camps in Germany. Those that remained, almost all left Poland after the establishment of the State of Israel. to the extent that I am aware, about 2 or 3 Tomaszow [Jews] remained in Poland.

[Page 482]

When we conclude the chapter of the exile of Tomaszow in Russia, we see that a large part of the Tomaszow Jewish populace was actually rescued. True, a large part died in Russia. The larger part of those who took passports and remained in Galicia, those who voluntarily went with the first echelons and settled in European Russia, all of these were killed by the Germans when they occupied the territory in 1941-42. Apart from very few families, who were under the Rumanian occupation in the so-called Trans-Dniester. A large part died in Russia from hunger and disease, especially the older people. However, most were saved. The largest part of these are to be found in the ancient homeland in Israel. Others emigrated to North America, with the help of ‘the Joint,’ and a part of them are to be found in Latin America.

During all of the days of the Second World War, I practically did not stop in trying to find ways of discovering the fate of my family members that had remained behind in Tomaszow, our city, under the hegemony of the murderers. Especially after I had been drafted into the British Army, at the beginning of 1943, I wrote to the International Red Cross, the Polish Consulate in London, and The Jewish Congress in the United States. But in every instance, I received only one answer: we are sorry, but we are unable to be of assistance.

When the war ended in 1945, and the entire world became aware of what the murderers had perpetrated against Polish Jewry, a hope continued to flicker in my heart that perhaps, in spite of all this, someone might be left from my family, and with a resolute decision to reach the place in which I had left my family in 1940, I began to plan my trip to Poland. And this was not among the easiest things to do. Transportation did not exist, and the roads were all damage. At that time, I was in the city of Venice in Italy, and a group of five of us people organized themselves, among us an officer of the rank of Captain. We presented ourselves to the command, and told the entire truth, requesting a leave of fourteen days to Milan, an auto with gasoline, and a few days worth of food. We received all of this, but instead of traveling to Milan, we rode to Austria, reaching Vienna. With the effort of our officer (he had a friend in the offices of the Four Powers), we received the proper documents with signatures to be able to pass. On the basis of this, we received permission from the Russians to enter Poland, and after two days, we reached the border city of Szczeczin. We were there for barely an hour, and we continued on to Cracow. At that location, we received permission from the local army command that was everywhere in the country, to remain for two weeks. Here, the group broke up. and I continued on to Lodz. Here, I was received with much respect. I was one of the few residents of the Land of Israel that got this far after the Holocaust. I did not want to tarry, and on the following day, I continued on to Warsaw. I did not recognize the Warsaw of the pre-war years, and now walked over wreckage. In the community building of the Praga there was a list of all Jews that remained alive after the Holocaust, including among them those who had returned from Russia. I pored over these lists for hours upon hours, but found no trace of my family. Despite this, I continued on to Lublin. This was in November 1945, and the cold was unbearable. There were very few trains, and thousands of people waiting for the train that was only capable of carrying several hundred. When the one train a day arrived, cries went up to the heart

[Page 483]

of heaven. People fought with one another, and getting on board was worth your life. Thanks to my insignia as a British officer, that I was wearing, I was able to get on board without difficulty and I reached Lublin. My first trip was to the local Jewish community. Among the list of those who survived, I discovered some of the members of our people, including the solitary ones who were survivors from Tomaszow, who were saved by hiding in the surrounding forests. I could not get anything from them concerning the fate of my family, but one told me that not one of them remained. They attempted to persuade me not to travel to Tomaszow, because it was fraught with life-threatening danger. The members of the A. K. took people off the vehicles, and anyone who looked to them like a Jew. They wanted to deter me from going, but I could not pass up this opportunity. I decided, despite all of this, to go to the city.

There were no buses, so I traveled on a freight truck. After six hours of travel, I reached the place where I was born and raised, and lived for twenty years. My heart pounded furiously, and I confronted the reality. My first trip was to the house of a lieutenant in the Polish Army before the war, Gozowski. I ran the entire length of the Krasnobrod Gasse, where my parents lived from the beginning of 1940, to Domludowy Gasse. I found the house shut, and so went down into the yard. There, I tripped over the implements of the soap manufacturing that belonged to my father. Apparently, I fainted, because when I came to, I saw that I was lying on the snow that was on the ground, and a young girl was standing over me, asking me what I was doing here. I answered by saying that I was looking for the Gozowski family. she gave me the address of a store on the Lwowska Gasse, and there I found Mrs. Gozowski. She immediately recognized me, turned pale, and told me everything. My father and Mordechai ז”ל were taken out on Yom Kippur of 5704 [1944], in the middle of worship services in one of the houses, and shot them to death in the Burcki Forest. My mother and my little brothers ז”ל were sent, at the end of 1944 to a place from which they did not return. My sister, Shoshana ז”ל was shot at the hands of a Pole from Tomaszow, the minute she stepped out of Chernofitz's house, where she had hidden herself during the course of two years.

Everything was clear. For a minute, I wanted to go to the place where my house had stood. It was difficult to find the location, since the entire area had been plowed under. the local residents had torn down all of the houses in the vicinity, and cleaned off the space. After some searching, I found the garbage pit, that once was the center of our yard, and that is how I identified the place.

I stood on the wreckage, the remnant of my well-branched family, and tears ran from my eyes. Here the illusions ended, and in this place, my last hope came to an end.

Assembled bones in Belzec, immediately after the liberation, which are being brought for a proper Jewish burial First from the right: Meir Strasberg; Third: The Bokser

I was in my birthplace of Tomaszow in the year 1948. It is impossible for me to convey my feelings and thoughts in writing, when you arrive in a city where you were born and raised, lived and were active, took part in, and participated in its growth and development. In a city that was shot through with the roots of Jewish people and Yiddishkeit, a city for which the Jews invested their minds and muscle, and a city which a proud Jewish life sprouted with both hardship and joy. Every pebble was familiar and every blade of grass dear – and even lived in good relationship with the non-Jewish neighbors – and here, a few years later, you do not encounter so much as a trace of a Jew. Everything has been wrecked and destroyed, torn out by the root, there are no Jews. There are no houses of study, and you see with your own eyes, how the murderers, whose hands are still smeared in blood, have occupied your [former] homes. They have adorned themselves with our valuables, and every glance from the Gentile skewers you, as if to say, what are you doing here? A wind of hate and enmity blows, and not just one person says to you with disappointment that the war ended too soon, the accursèd and disgusting Jews are still alive! It was precisely in such sorrowful moment that the entire chasm of Jewish tribulation opened for me, and the torture and pain of the annihilation of the six million Jews sat on my heart. Now, I first felt our huge calamity and tragedy with its full keenness. The sorrow pressed down on my soul. I felt like I had to cry, but for whom? In the presence of our bitter enemies who seethed with satisfaction when they saw how our brothers and sisters were being led to the slaughter, in front of those who took part in searching for and revealing the bunkers of the hidden Jews, and tracked them for the purpose of turning them over into the hands of the executioners/ In front of those ‘good gentiles,’ who sold a Jewish life for two pounds of sugar – no, I will not give them the satisfaction of such a display – I will not cry!….

I went to my house, in my nest where I raised my family. There, I encountered Poles (for whom I had done favors). And their faces reddened from murderousness with the question, Moshka! What are you doing here? Flee while you are still alive, because your life is at risk every minute. I thought, surely their mothers raised them on befouled blood, to have instilled in them such wicked instincts, to have so soiled the creation that calls itself ‘human.’

On the second day, I traveled and entered Belzec, our train station, that for us served as the gate to the wider world, and tragically, during the time of the war became transformed into the gate of Hell – Hell is perhaps too mild a metaphor, because even Dante's Inferno does not describe such gruesome scenes, as were perpetrated on the Jewish people, by the Germans and their Polish collaborators in Belzec. I visited the concentration camp, these are ordinary barracks that are found several kilometers from the train station. A small track connects the station to the camp. The barracks stand deep in the forest. All the Galician Jews from Cracow, Lemberg, Stanislaw, Tarnopol, and also our Tomaszow Jews, all, pitiably, were annihilated in Sanctification of The Name, in the Hell of Belzec. As the gentiles related to me, all the Jews were immediately taken to the barracks after their arrival. The barracks were woven through with electric wire, and when they were all inside, the doors were hermetically sealed, and the electric current was turned on, such that in several second, they all died of electric shock. Later, they were put into pits, one level of dead, followed by one level of wood, and benzine was poured on top of it, and the corpses were cremated. The fire

[Page 485]

burned day and night, and the fire could be seen tens of kilometers away. A local gentile told me that in their village, which was ten kilometers from Belzec, the fire from Belzec could be seen every night. The stench of the burned corpses could be sensed in all the surrounding little towns and villages. Years went by like this, and in this fashion, our brethren, the Children of Israel, were exterminated. This is what I was told by the local gentiles who lived in the nearby villages.

And when the Germans suffered their ultimate defeat, and retreated, the Poles descended on the graves, to extract teeth, and to search for possibly hidden diamonds. The commandant showed me that all these things had been documented. I encountered mass graves from which human appendages protruded. I tried to intervene, but without success.

On the following day, after my visit to Belzec, I went to the Jewish cemetery, but a darkness descended over my eyes. They did not even spare the cemetery. The headstones had been ripped up, and used them to pave the streets, or put them under the thresholds of their houses. The graves were trod upon and defiled, with horses and cattle grazing the entire field. No trace remained of the Rabbinical tents. Here and there, a headstone still sticks out, overgrown with grass. But the Poles tear them out for their own purposes of construction or paving. In my full view, a gentile rode up, with two gentile hooligans, and tore out several headstones and carted them off. I was afraid to protest, because it would have been a risk to my life. I gently made him aware that this was a cemetery, and that one should not do this, but he continued to do his chore. And it was in this way, that the cemetery was desecrated in my presence. I was at the municipal building, and registered a strong protest against this, but the Russian authorities who were in control, were cut from the same cloth, and did nothing. With cunning and cynicism, they said to me, that it would be best for me first to leave the city, because they cannot be responsible for my life. It incited the local gentiles, who are still infected with Nazism, to see that a Jew is walking about for three days already, which they refer to as an example of Jewish chutzpah.

At night, I lay in bed, and I could not sleep for fear of the Polish murderers on the one hand, and from the severe tortured experiences concerning the destruction of my city and people. Nightmarish thoughts hounded me, my blood seethed, and demanded vengeance. My heart became clenched inside of me. Lat at night, I dozed off, and an image arose in my mind that I find myself in the synagogue, which is overfilled with worshipers, all wearing a kittl and covered in their prayer shawls. Only their faces are uncovered, and shine like the sun. I see relatives and acquaintances, but it is difficult to recognize them. They are illuminated like crystal, appearing beautiful and majestic, with an aristocratic bearing. Then, it seems to me that the Rabbi ז”ל ascends the podium, but he is much taller than he was in real life. He says, ‘Rabbotai,’ today, here, we have one of our brethren who is alive, let us all bless him, and I hear a shout of the Priestly Benediction, ‘Yevarekhekha’… I felt stronger and more confident. then the head of the congregation says, R' Moshe, we know and feel what it is that is reflected in your heart. You are planning and want to take revenge. Your blood is boiling and seething within you, demanding vengeance, and with justification, you wish a restitution for that which they did. But in the world below, there is no punishment that can be appropriate for the wickedness of the gentiles. the worst of all death is weak, pale and anemic to be accorded the term ‘vengeance.’ You must leave vengeance to The Lord, who can do all things, and he will already see to an appropriate punishment. The day when the fire will burn as if in an oven, will arrive. Time may pass, but the Lord, Blessed be, is very patient and stands above the fray. They will now drink from the cup of hemlock in perpetuity, and God's curse will follow them forever. And there are many ways to the oversight. But the one act of revenge that you can – and must – take from the gentiles, is that the ones who have remained alive, the one from a city, the two from a family, have to, once again, spin that golden chain and continue Judaism. Continue the life that the martyrs led, and continue to be the Holy People, and the Nation of Priests. For you,

[Page 486]

with your own eyes, have seen how deep and low the gentiles have sunken. How morally fallen they are, how thievishly cunning they are, and how the animal instinct roils within them. How horrifying and unclean they were in their relationship to their millennial neighbors. Shout out loudly, and plant the awareness in the hearts of your children: He Separated Us from those who Stray!! See to the Jewish culture, in which all of you took pride, and it was for it that you knelt and bowed, and nurtured. Learn something from these events, and once again, tell the Lord, who created us in his honor, and separated us from those who stray, and who gave us His True Law, – and indeed, endure forever, and for that reason, He planted the life of the world in our midst, and the People of Israel live. Live, and continue to live despite the anger and ire of all those who hate Israel in all generations.

It was with this sweet dream that I then went on my way – and with that thought I resumed my life's journey.

[Page 487]

Leah Moskop-Friedlander

A Memorial Gathering of all the Tomaszow [Jews] in Germany after the war

We will divide this group of survivors into two parts. The first part will be about those who left Tomaszow before the Holocaust, this means, those who emigrated from there to a variety of countries over the entire globe. and the second – what emerged from the fire of Hitler, a few limbs sawed off, or remnants of entire families.

Understandably, a fundamental research about these survivors would be very necessary, but regrettably, we will try to outline what it is that we know.

Just as was the case in other cities in Poland, during the last quarter of the previous [sic: 19^th] century, people began to emigrate from Tomaszow. The stream went to the United States of America, after that, to Canada, and the South American countries, mostly to Argentina. It is interesting that in Johannesburg, South Africa, there is at least one family from Tomaszow, from the ‘Mincers,’ from the beginning of the current [sic: 20^th] century. A few years ago, the Tomaszow Jew, Yehuda Mincer, R' Shmuel Mincer's son, was, for a time, the burgomaster of Johannesburg. Today, the family has substantially expanded there. In the period between the two world wars, the gates to America were virtually sealed shut, and as a result, the immigration spread to all c0ountries where there simply were possibility for this. The place that absorbed the greatest immigration at that time was the Land of Israel (then still Palestine). The root of that immigration lay principally in the anti-Semitism and in the severe economic conditions. But there were also ancillary factors that had their impact on this. The immigration to Palestine came as a result of the awakened national identity among, large segments who were inspired by the Zionist ideal to build a stable home for themselves there.

Here, in America, the Tomaszow Jews spread themselves over a variety of cities in the country, single families, and smaller groups. In contrast, the largest part of them settled in New York, and even organized themselves into a Landsmanschaft society, which was organically connected to the Jewish community in Tomaszow itself. This Landsmanschaft exists to this day, under the name ‘Hevra B'nai Tomaszow.’ Its president is Joseph Lehrer, and the secretary – Mr. Shmuel Shiflinger.

The second part of those that remain. those who were uprooted from their homes, directly by the Hitler criminals, in the greater majority, spent the war years in Russia, from which they returned to Poland after the war. But they no longer had a [sic: welcome] entry into Tomaszow, because it was a mortal danger for a Jew to even spend the night there. The same was true in all the cities and towns, apart from the few points where the Jews concentrated themselves in larger numbers. These Tomaszow Jews were also drawn to these very centers, and their, they joined the great mass stream that led to the German borders, and Czechoslovakia. From there – in camps that had been prepared for them by the Allied authorities, on the territory of West Germany, Austria and Italy, they found temporary shelter, until they opened up possibilities for immigration.

[Page 488]

The larger part of these, our wandering landsleit, found a stable home in the State of Israel, where they integrated themselves into the social and economic life they found there. There, they also were organized into a Tomaszow community, with a charitable treasury for the residents of the city. They show a deep understanding of the Memorial Book, in which they take an active part.

Here, in America, the uprooted Tomaszow Jews began to arrive in the years from 1947 on, first only individuals, later, in 1949-50, larger numbers.

The first attempt, by the Tomaszow survivors in New York, to organize themselves into a single body, did not work. The old society, that called itself ‘Hevra B'nai Tomaszow,’ did not want to take them in as a group. It was only a number of years later, that the society consented to take in a larger number of the newcomers as members, with specifically limited privileges. They did not want to admit any widows. No particularly close friendships developed between the old and the new members. There were always complaints of one against the other. And when individuals among the newcomers were suspended from membership for not paying their dues in a timely fashion, the idea that the newcomers would set up a society for just themselves took on more strength.

It happened this way:

In the Jewish press here, several times, letters appeared from the Tomaszow Landsmanschaft Committee in Israel, in which the latter complains that all of its approaches to the Tomaszow Landsmanschaft Society in New York, for assistance to the needy , are being ignored. At the same time, the good-natured lady, Ethel Zilbiger (Szpic) collected aid for the various impoverished landsleit in Israel, on her own initiative. The time had become ripe for an organized assistance initiative, and at one of the meetings of the Tomaszow Yizkor Book Committee, on October 27, 1956, a point was placed on the day's agenda also about an assistance initiative for our landsleit in Israel.

At that meeting, a permanent committee for assistance was created, which had to carry out a variety of assistance initiatives.

This committee carried out its mission completely. During this time, many times, Hanukkah and Purim celebrations were conducted. New Year balls, and also gatherings that were privately financed. All these funds that were gathered, were sent over to Israel to the local committee there, which then distributed the received funds to the most needy of the landsleit. On each occasion, the committee here, received an accounting with a list, as to how, and to whom, the money was distributed.

After a number of the newcomers were excluded from the membership in the old society, as previously mentioned, it was decided that the assistance committee would be transformed into a regular Landsmanschaft organization. A land parcel was purchased for a cemetery in New Jersey, and most of the newcomers left the ‘Hevra B'nai Tomaszow,’ and joined the ‘Tomashover Hilfs Commitet.’

During the time that the assistance committee was in existence, about five thousand dollars ($5,000.00) was sent over for the needy in Israel and several hundreds for the charity treasury.

Finally, the Tomashover Hilfs Commitet donated to ‘Ilenshil-Polio’ this was a polio foundation in Tel-Aviv, and auto with twelve special wheelchairs for crippled children. The unfortunate children were then able to be comfortably taken every day from their homes to school and back, with the help of this vehicle.

[Page 489]

In this activity, Mrs. Anna Lehrman distinguished herself with her initiative and intensiveness.

The Tomashover Hilfs Commitet plays a very visible role among the landsleit in a social sense. Once a year, the members gather for purposes of electing the officials for the coming year. From time to time, in conjunction with the Yizkor Book Committee, it arranges for a Memorial Ceremony for the Tomaszow martyrs, and helps to maintain friendly relations among the members, who met more frequently on happy occasions or other opportunities.

The leadership of the Tomashover Hilfs Commitet consists of: Shimshon Holtz, Eli' Lehrer, Shammai Drillman, Joseph Moskop, the brothers, David Joseph and Hirsch Levenfus, Mott'l Helfman, Jonah Feldsehn, Leibusz Schechter, Mrs. Pearl Gelernter and Shlomo Weissleder.

The following ladies take an active part in all of these initiatives: Dvora Weissleder, Esther Feldsehn, Feiga Lehrer, Chaya Helfman and Mir'l Geyer.

In general, the natives of Tomaszow are not badly situated economically. They are represented in almost every branch of commerce, industry and labor, and feel in the freedom of America, a solid foundation under their feet.

David Joseph Levenfus		Shimshon Holtz

Joseph Moskop		Eli' Lehrer

Mott'l Helfman		Leib'l Schechter

Hirsche' K. Levenfus		Shlomo Weissleder

Jonah Feldsehn

Jonah Feldsehn		Jonah Feldsehn

Shmuel Shiflinger, the President of the former Jewish Community leadership in Tomaszow

For the Sake of the Martyrs of our City הי”ד

On August 5, 1944, the first assembly of the olim from Tomaszow-Lubelski took place in the home of Meir Rind ז”ל. Thirty five people participated, at which time the sum of forty lira were gathered on request, as well as pledges for monthly dues. The following were selected to lead: Zusha Kawenczuk, Abraham Pearl, Yaakov Herbstman, Yitzhak Lederkremmer, Mordechai Zilberman, Benjamin Glatter, and from the villages: Israel Greenbaum, Moshe Eilbaum, Joseph Lancer ז”ל, Yitzhak Zilberstein. The first committee allocated positions as follows: Chair – Zusha Kawenczuk, Treasurer – Abraham Pearl, Secretary – Yaakov Herbstman.

The committee decided to get in contact as soon as possible with those comrades who did not appear at the meeting, and to get their commitment. The committee requested from its members to immediately supply addresses of their relatives, and people whom they knew from Tomaszow-Lubelski that were to be found in Russia… to the address: The Committee for the Assistance of Polish Jews, 26 Herzl Street, Haifa, The purpose was to organize the émigrés from Tomaszow-Lubelski for purposes of centralizing their addresses in order to facilitate the sending of packages to Russia. As a result of this, 120 packages were sent to Russia with clothing, and also matzos for Passover, in accordance with the address in the possession of the committee.

In the gathering and memorial service of the year 5722 [1962] seventeen of the members were selected as follows: Zusha Kawenczuk, Joseph HaLevi (Lakher), Moshe Gordon, Chaim Joseph Lehrer, Moshe Blonder, Yaakov Herbstman, Mordechai Ehrlich, Yaakov Laneil, Yaakov Minkowsky, Abraham Goldschmid ז”ל, Mordechai Honigsfeld, Yaakov Aryeh Witz, Yaakov Schwartz, Ozer Stahl, Gershon Katz, Sarah Kuppersztuk (Barnstein), Isaac Kruss.

Our comrade, Abraham Goldschmid ז”ל was plucked from the leadership of the committee in his prime, and we do not have his liking. He was beloved by all of us, and it was a delight to speak with him. He always had a happy face, and at no time did he ever exhibit anger. He was born in Zamość, and the father was a Rabbi there. He married the daughter of David Aharon Eisen ז”ל in Tomaszow. In the year 5710 [1950] he came to the Land of Israel, joined the Organization of Tomaszow–Lubelski Émigrés, and joined the committee that dedicated itself to the Yizkor Book of the Tomaszow–Lubelski Émigrés that were killed in the Holocaust and that died in Russia. He was an accomplished scribe, who penned all of the names [of the martyrs] in the Yizkor Book in the calligraphy of a Torah Scribe, without pay, voluntarily, and with complete dedication. He was survived by two sons who were scholars, that follow in his path. He passed away on 21 Tammuz 5723 [July 13, 1963]. The Rebbe of Gur שליט”א participated in his funeral.

We mourn his loss, and may his memory be for a blessing.

Mordechai Honigsfeld		Moshe Gordon		Joseph HaLevi Lakher		Yaakov Herbstman		Yaakov Schwartz

Mordechai Ehrlich		Ozer Stahl		Ozer Stahl		Isaac Kruss

Moshe Blonder		Zusha Kawenczuk		Rabbi Abraham Goldschmid ע”ה		Dvora Weissleder

Yaakov Minkowsky		Chaim Joseph Lehrer		Yaakov Laneil		Gitt'l Weinberg

[Page 492]

It was clear, from the beginning of the activity of the Tomaszow Committee in Israel, that its central goal had to be the publication of a Yizkor Book to the memory of the destroyed city. This book will be the monument that will preserve its memory, and through which our children will be able to acquaint themselves with the times of their forbears, the atmosphere where their forbears were born, raised, and lived, one generation after another.

At this meeting of the committee, which took place on January 9, 1951, a Yizkor Book Commission was elected consisting of the following people: Joseph HaLevi (Lakher), Yaakov Minkowsky, Yaakov Itcheh Schwartz, and Yaakov Herbstman.

The Commission produced a circular in Hebrew and Yiddish (attached below) in which the importance of such a book was clarified, and leaders were designated for the chapters of the desired material. We requested that every theme about Tomaszow be documented, and in whatever language was convenient. We sent this circular all over the world, to wherever we had an address of someone from Tomaszow.

It is worth emphasizing that the response was great. From Israel, Argentina, America, France, Poland, and other countries, we received an inspired assessment for the undertaking. At the same time, a wide variety of source materials were received for the book.

A characteristic incident from the response that the circular generated: from one of the ‘People's Democratic’ countries, we received worthwhile material from a resident of Tomaszow who signed himself as A. H., giving his address as a Post Office Box. My request to him to reveal his identity to me had no effect, until on an ordinary day, contact was broken off, and despite my efforts, I was not fortunate in being able to re-establish contact, and his identity has not been uncovered to this day.

The publication of a book, as is known, demands a great deal of activity, and commitment. We took special care to assure that the Yizkor Book should contain many written descriptions of Tomaszow, under the Hitler occupation, as told by living witnesses that lived through this frightful period.

The years of 1952-53 in Israel were years of ‘austerity’ constraints. It was hard to come by paper. Accordingly, we were pleased to accept the proposal of the American Committee, to transfer responsibility for publishing the book to them. We sent the gathered materials and pictures to America, and the Committee there, headed by Mr. Moskop stepped up to the task with enthusiasm.

At one of our meetings, when Mr. Gordon from America conveyed a report on the status to us, it appeared that the book would not express its purpose, if it is not complemented with material from the period of the extermination.

Because of this, I proposed at this meeting, to permit our member Yaakov Itcheh Schwartz, to take leave of his usual work for several weeks, and that he should travel to a number of smaller towns, and settlements, where the new olim from Tomaszow are concentrated, and to mine the material from them.

[Page 493]

I proposed Mt. Y. Schwartz because I was aware of his commitment to creating the book, and knowing his ‘weakness’ for literature and writing, and in practice, we were certainly not disappointed. Our comrade Schwartz was successful in obtaining very worthwhile recounting and frightening eye-witness accounts of the first quality.

We followed the development of the book with concern and interest. We asked ourselves, whether we were so lacking in capacity, such that Tomaszow will not be privileged to have that which much smaller towns have been given? We raised this question at every memorial service that we held.

Now, finally, we have been privileged to publish this book, which should serve as a compensation to those who dedicated time and energy to it.

My profoundest wish, is that the book is effective in realizing its name. It should substantively memorialize the memory of our dear ones who were killed, and would that our children will be able to perceive from this book, the warmth, the beauty and the good, that was contained in our shtetl: Tomaszow-Lubelski.

[Page 494]

Haifa, 2 Shevat 5711, January 9, 1951

Honored Folk,

In response to the decision of The Committee, and the resolution of the meeting of the Tomaszow landsleit, which took place in Haifa on December 17, 1950, we are approaching you to help us with realizing the publication of a [Yizkor] Book about Tomaszow.

The goal of this folio is to provide a permanent memorial to the memory of the martyrs of our city, in a suitable manner.

Since a consequence of The Calamity was that no Jewish community remains any longer in Tomaszow, the objective of the book is also to rescue the cultural and moral values from being forgotten, and the way of life that was created in the city by the Jews in the recent past, and in prior generations.

In order that the book reflect its important objective, we have to reach out to all those natives in our country and elsewhere, who are in a position to help out.

Accordingly, we are approaching you, to send to us – in the course of the coming 3-4 months – articles, experiences, poems, or any other kind of material, that you have in connection to these identified themes:

1. The History of Tomaszow, and the history of the Jews from there.
2. Monographs about the Rabbis and their ‘Courts.’
3. The Synagogue, the shtiblakh and their Gabbaim
4. The Community and its Representatives. The Municipal Council and the Jewish Representatives
5. Charitable Institutions: the Free Loan Society, Linat HaTzedek, Provisioning Brides.
6. The ‘Common People’ and their way of life
7. As follows:
   1. Jewish Livelihoods, and the City Market Fair
   2. Sabbath and Festivals in the City

8. Yeshivas, Heders, Schools, Teachers and Melamdim.
9. The Founding of Zionist and Labor Parties, and the battle with the Opposition
10. Libraries, and Amateur Drama Circles
11. Parties, Youth Organizations, and their Leaders
12. Various Personalities
13. Relationship with the Gentiles
14. Jewish Life under the Nazi Occupation, the aktionen, life in Russia and in the camps.

We also desire pictures of the city, of the community institutions: the Synagogue, baths, inn, cemetery, etc. Pictures of community significance (at your request, we will return these pictures after we make a copy).

Writing can be done in any language. People who cannot write with style should not be intimidated. We will edit it, and provide style. The important thing is to get the content.

Every item will be credited to the name of the writer. We request that you write clearly (use of a typewriter is preferred) and on one side of a page.

Dear friends! The obligation that we have assumed is not a light one, and it is only with your help and the combined effort of all those from our town, that we will be able to make this a reality. Accordingly, we await your participation.

Because of the scarcity of addresses of all those who were residents, you are also requested to convey the content of this letter to others in your acquaintance, and friends from Tomaszow, who have otherwise not received it.

The address to which you should send this material is:

Yaakov Herbstman, 34 Hallel Street, Haifa

Respectfully yours,
Israel Committee

[Page 496]

(From the right) Chaim Kraus. Ber'ish Hertzman, Moshe Blonder, Mordechai Ehrlich, Yaakov Herbstman (speaker), Brinker, Zusha Kawenczuk, Mordechai Honigsfeld (writing), Abraham'eleh Goldschmid ע”ה and his son

In December 1956, funds arrived with an accompanying letter which nominated certain individual members as allocators of these funds, for needy, sick, elderly people, from our destroyed shtetl.

And it was, in this way, that in 1956, a new institution was established to offer complementary assistance alongside of the Free Loan Society, that had existed for a long time already.

What moved our comrades in America to this specific initiative, to establish such an activity?

It was the tradition of complementary assistance activity, in all walks of life in the old shtetl, still pulses in the hearts of our comrades.

The activity in Israel was carried out in cooperation with the Tomaszow General Assistance Committee, and in accordance with the old tradition of ‘Giving Charity in Secret.’ The initiation of the activity was accompanied with doubt and opposition to the idea of distributing money as charity, which is unpopular in Israel.

However, in the course of carrying out the endeavor, when we dug into the various difficult social situations, all of us arrived at the conclusion of how far our American comrades had been right.

In the course of the years, thousands of dollars arrived, and were divided among the elderly, the ill, and helpless people which the aliyah had brought to the Land after the war. There were instances where these few dollars simply lit up the eyes of the unfortunate, and sustained the spirits of the disoriented.

We wish that even only part of the blessings be realized, that were showered by the beneficiaries of the help, on those who engaged in this activity.

May the hands of those who engage in this highly worthy activity be blessed.

[Page 497]

At a [seventh] Memorial Gathering: Jekuthiel Stempel reciting ‘El Moleh.’

The host that returned here was broken and powerless, impoverished by the absence of everything! With frightened and bulging eyes. Such eyes can only be seen among people who have lost everything in life, their nearest and dearest, their entire worth and dignity. After such a cataclysm, and global upheaval that the Second World War left in its wake, and in which The Chosen People, The People of the Book suffered the most, the return to this place, indeed, took place in the manner expressed by the Prophet, when he said ‘they will arrive crying,’ with the cry in their hearts and a heart rending loneliness for our nearest and dearest who were slain, that ‘they will arrive crying’ then had a two-sided meaning. It was a cry of sorrow and anger, that our slain brothers and sisters did not live to see the Return to Zion, and as we see, they tragically paid for the establishment of the State of Israel with their sacred blood! As this remnant was able to return, from the second side, this was a cry of joy, that after two thousand years, the dream of the return of sons to their borders, had now come to pass! And as is self-evident, among this large host of people who were returning, a certain percentage of our Tomaszow brothers and sisters were among them, indeed, as the Prophet expressed it: Blind, lame, and half-people! Spiritually and physically broken. At that time, it was necessary to bolster these people both spiritually and in a material sense, to at least help that weak tree make its very first footprints! At that time, landsleit committees began to be formed in Israel, because: ‘Among the impoverished, and the poor of your city, the poor of your city take precedence.’

And as is self-explanatory, our Tomaszow landsleit were not self-supporting, and in the middle of the year 1949, the veterans and new olim came together at the home of our beloved Tomaszow landsman Rabbi Yoss'li Lakher, long life to him, at whose home we found a place to meet, and an open door for surcease, with all of the best for our mission, and this remains true to this day. Approximately the following Tomaszow landsleit came together at that time: Rabbi Zusha Kawenczuk, Yaakov Minkowsky, Yaakov Herbstman, Moshe Blonder, Chaim Joseph Lehrer, Yaakov Leib Witz, Ozer Stahl, Yaakov Laneil, Sarah Kuppersztuk (Borenstein) Yaakov Schwartz, Mott'l Ehrlich, Mott'l Zilberman, to be separated for long life, and Abraham'li Goldschmid ז”ל and Shmuel Mermelstein ז”ל, as well as myself, who is writing these lines. On the day's agenda was: help for our Tomaszow landsleit to new olim. At that time, the foundation was laid for the establishment of the Tomaszow Free Loan Society. Rabbi Zusha Kawenczuk was immediately selected as the Chairman of the Committee, Treasurer: Rabbi Joseph Lakher, and the secretariate of Mott'l Honigsfeld and Yaakov Herbstman.

[Page 498]

To the extent that we each could, we contributed the first few pounds, and later on, we decided to have a Tomaszow gala event, that we would use to raise money for the Tomaszow Free Loan Society. It is worth remarking that, at that time, despite having approached our American landsleit for help, we did not receive that help very quickly. Accordingly, we then drummed up donations at every Tomaszow gala event such as: a wedding, brit milah, bar mitzvah, etc. And with these funds, we began to extend smaller denominated loans for constructive purposes, such as: housing, helping someone get started in his livelihood, arranging for an important piece of furniture in the home, etc. The Free Loan Society was always to be found in a difficult or critical situation. There were instances when the treasury did not have a cent, and people had to wait by the door until it became possible to allocate a small loan. There were also times when we simply gave people a pound to buy bread. And it was in this way that things continued until – a little at a time, our landsleit brethren in America caught on to the fact that they have to keep their landsleit in Israel in mind! And, a little at a time, money began to flow in from America. Also, later on with us, we carried out a larger fund-raising activity among those who had means here in Israel, and everyone contributed, each according to his ability to do so. In the process, the foundation was laid for our Tomaszow Free Loan Society in Israel. It is also worth mentioning, that every year on Rosh Hodesh Tevet, we arrange for the annual memorial service for our Tomaszow martyrs הי”ד, and whatever is raised at that memorial service is dedicated exclusively to the Free Loan Society.

At this opportunity, I wish to recall, and not omit, a very important detail about which our committee also took the initiative. Every year at the Yahrzeit of our unforgettable Rabbinical spiritual leader Rabbi Aryeh Leibusz Rubin, may his portion be in Eden, who was so beloved by us all in Tomaszow, we arrange a repast and celebration at the home of our own R' Yoss'li Lakher, in memory of his pure soul. May his memory be for a blessing.

And at the end, I want to wish all those who made some contribution to the Free Loan Society whether in America or in Israel, a very hearty Yasher Kochackem, with the wish that your hand be strengthened to continue further, and that this will remain as the most beautiful and dearest monument possible to our martyrs הי”ד.

[Page 499]

A ‘Tisch’ at the Yahrzeit in honor of the Rebbe of Cieszanow, The Righteous Rabbi R' Ary' Leibusz Rubin זצ”ל, the Rabbi of Tomaszow 26 Iyyar 5720 [1960] in B'nai Brak

The high point of our activity, is the annual gathering of all those from Tomaszow in honor of the Yahrzeit of our great and unforgettable and beloved leader and director, the Holy Rabbi from Cieszanow, our Rabbi the Gaon and Tzaddik, Rabbi Ary' Leibusz Rubin זצללהה”ה which falls on 26 Iyyar.

Year in, and year out, the people from Tomaszow in B'nai Brak, Tel-Aviv, Petakh Tikva, and vicinity, come together, as well as those followers of the Rabbi ז”ל and good friends from other cities, about two hundred people. We conduct a siyyum, and we wash up for a repast, refresh all of our memories, and relate stories about this impressive, elevated crystal personality of our Rebbe and Rabbi. [We tell of] his accomplishments and striving for Yiddishkeit, and especially about his commitment to young people, through implanting in them, his values of Hasidism and Fear of Heaven. We celebrate late into the night with song, praise, and Torah discussions. Every year, the get-together becomes larger and stronger, because in it, we feel a spiritual refreshment and an elevated nostalgia for our ‘old home,’ which was so dear and beloved to us. The principal committee consists of the following people: R' Sinai Greenbaum, R' Israel Wermuth, R' Abraham'li Gutwein, R' Yaakov Moshe Tepler, Yekhezkiel Heller, Ary' Wermuth, Yehoshua Niedergang, and Mendl Pflug.

The [Tomaszow] residents of Haifa would also come to our gathering every year, however, because of the large distance, they arrange for a separate celebration in Haifa, that is held at the home of R' Yoss'li Lakher. The committee consists of R' Abraham'li Goldschmid, R' Ben-Zion Schneider, and Ozer Stahl, and all of the Hasidic Tomaszow Jews in Haifa participate in this celebration. May his memory be blessed, and may the reward for his righteousness protect us.

 Yizkor Book Project    JewishGen Home Page  

Copyright © 1999-2024 by JewishGen, Inc.
Updated 15 Feb 2024 by JH