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[Page 320]
by Menachem Reznick
Translated by Sheila Garberman
My Journey to Waranowe [Voronovo]
It is the end of winter; waiting for the spring, but the sun will not shine for everyone. People have lost hope. You hear false words of hope. Here and there in closed dark rooms lit by kerosene lamps are some still dreaming of a bright spring in the world. The reasons for hope are rumors of the destruction of Hitler's army. Rumors come into the darkness of the ghetto about great advances of the Russian army on all fronts. The Germans are suffering heavy loses of soldiers and communications in daily fighting with the Partisans.
The Partisan fighting spreads not only to the east but also to the west. Partisan fighting against the enemy is also starting to develop around Lida. In the ghetto the spark of revenge has started to develop in the minds of some people. The defeat of the Germans at the fronts has hastened the liquidation of the ghettos. Because the Germans are afraid of uprisings they prepare certain deceptive procedures to mask the preparation for the liquidation of the ghettos. The Lida ghetto is on the agenda for liquidation. Vindish [Windisch] and Verner [Werner] (German Gestapo's) and their helpers with false smiles and lies are trying to influence the members of the Judenrat with whom they are in contact.
They do not want the people to know what they are planning.
I want to mention a conversation I had with a Czech from the SS in Lida who used to visit me often. The look on his face was different from usual. He asked if there was anyone else in the house other than ourselves, then he started to talk.
Hitler has lost the war. The propaganda ministers before the war prepared all the stories that the German army is near Moscow. However before Hitler loses the war all Jews will be liquidated though methods of pain and humiliation which were prepared before the war.
After this statement he gave me several revolvers and said:
These are for the enemy, but the last bullet leave for yourself so that your death will be less humiliating.
He then said goodbye and told us that he was being sent to the front and that we would never see each other again. (He was a member of the Czechoslovakian Social Democratic party.) This conversation did not leave me with a feeling of comfort and I could hear a voice inside myself: Go to the Woods. A few bullets for the enemy and the last one for me.
On a certain Friday Morning while all the people of the ghetto were going to work, my eleven-year-old son informed me that the Gestapo was coming.
Seeing through the window the murderers and the Polish police (Pzadowski) walking in the direction of my house, I understood that the situation was serious. Jumping out the window was impossible. By instinct, I opened the door to the street to meet the group. The first to approach me was the older policeman who asked me where REZNIK lived? I told him that him two doors down, where my wife's sister lived. Then I ran away. When I left the Postowski area going down Koszarowe street, I looked at everything and thought I am seeing this all for the last time. I went to the Judenrat to tell them what (I had heard) and to discuss further what might be done.
My sister-in-law told the Hitlerites that I went to the Judenrat. The Hitlerites went immediately to the Judenrat. I saw them coming from a distance and ran to Piaskes on the outskirts of town. Here is where the tragic portion of my life began. All doors were closed to me and no one would let me in. If I were to be found in one of these homes all members of that family would have been killed.
I went to the house of a Polish man who was an accountant of Bank Pulski in Lida. I had entrusted all my belongings and possessions to Mr. Poisner prior to the Nazi occupation of Lida. We had been neighbors. I told him my situation and I asked him to permit me to stay until evening when a few friends could assist me in leaving Lida. He responded that if I did not leave in a few minutes he would call the Gestapo. I left his house immediately and while walking was thinking about all the other Jewish people who had entrusted the Polish with their possessions believing in their friendship. In the end, all these friends became the Jews biggest enemies.
At Piaskes (the outskirts of Lida) I met my wife who had also run away from the house. She told me about the conversation her sister had had with the Gestapo. The Gestapo did not realize it was the same family. With the help of my wife I got in touch with the Bergermeister [Mayor] Jakovitz I received instructions from the commander of the police that I should hide somewhere until early Sunday morning. There was a plan to be prepared to take me out of Lida. This plan was of course not done out of love for me, but rather out of fear that my arrest would also implicate them. I do not know where I slept Friday. I stayed in this house with another person whom I would meet three times.
The first time I met this person was in my night of fear, the second time with the Partisans in battle against the German and the third time after the liberation on the way to Israel. He was an honest partisan and one of the best fighters. He received the highest recognition from the Soviet Union for his fighting. Later because of false accusations in the name of Stalinism, the Soviets decided to eliminate him. He was forced to leave Russia illegally to go to Israel where he is presently. This is the famous Baruch Levin.
Saturday I stayed with my brother-in-law Simon Bojarsky. Saturday night I was informed that I was to be taken to the direction of Wasanova (a town not far from Lida) on Sunday. After my wife placed the children with family she joined me.
Sunday morning a light snow was falling as I came to Mr. Bojarsky's house by sled drawn by two selected horses. I had no time to think and did not know what my future plans might be. My wife and I were given two heavy coats from which our faces could not be seen. On one arm of the coat was a band that said Shutz police. We left Lida in silence, without words or tears as we said goodbye to our family. Slowly the sled gilded on the snow in the direction of Suvalski [Suwalski] Street to the highway to Vilna. As we leave we first see a group of Jews being chased to work. In the front I see Dr. Kator. A great sadness was on their faces. I look at them out of a corner of my coat with which I was covered and think this is the last time I will see Lida. This is the way I left Lida.
The Way My Son Was Killed
The Ghetto in the Varanova stetl was divided into streets. It was not locked up. My first meeting was with a good acquaintance, Mr. Kaminski, an attorney. Mr. Kaminski was a member of the Judenrat in the Varanovo Ghetto. He introduced me to Jacov Druck, an accountant who resided in Varanovo. Mr. Kaminski took us to the home of Jacov Druck and we stayed with him a few days.
One evening the commandant of the Jewish police, a former German Jew, came to visit us. He took us outside and said you must leave because the Gestapo is looking for you in Varanova, which is not far from Lida. While we were talking he showed us two paths: the right one to Lida and the left to Vilna. We left Varanova and walked in the direction on the path that he had indicated to us. As we walked we noted only the mute stares followed us from a dim light window. As we walked in that direction we came to a warm house and a warm feeling came over us. To our saying hello, a peasant answered and in a short conversation we realized we were with a Polish patriot. He allowed us to stay one night and gave us something to eat, for which we of course paid.
When we asked how we could reach Vilna, he proposed we should stay with them for several days. My wife went back to the Lida Ghetto with the intention of bring back the children. She brought back our older son Neach (Noah) to the peasant's house. On Sunday the peasant took us to Vilna by wagon. My wife had brought back false documentation from Vilna. Our documents stated that we were going to Vilna on an order from Rizemal commander to bring certain parts for Lida Warsstaten (factories). The letter was signed by the Gebit Commissar. The Gebit Commissar (Regional Commander) signed that we were worthless (?) Jews in case we meet with any Germans who might bother us. We traveled to BASTUN on the outskirts of Vilna where Lithuanians stopped us. Because we were walking they did not see our son in the wagon. They searched us very well and then let us go free because of the content of the letter. We were told we had to leave Bastun in two hours. The peasant was afraid and decided to turn around and in a few hours we were back in his house.
After a short discussion with the peasant about our future plans, the peasant proposed that our son work as a lesnik (a forest workman) in one of the forests not far from Varanova. In the forest there were a lot of Jews chopping wood. He told us that his son would take myself, my wife and our son to a place where we could stay with a peasant where his son lives. He said that his son would also get us working permits.
After agreeing on a fee with the son he agreed to take us to the new place. Around noon we came to that place in large forest. Every few kilometers there was a single house. The houses were called Chutor (a single house far from one another). We went to one of these houses. We meet a young peasant with wife and 3 children who had a normal work life partly from work in the forest and part from his own farm. He greeted us very warmly. We lived nicely with that family in the forest and it was not a bad existence, but not for long. Our son got along very well with the peasant's children and played together with them in the house and outside. The Polish family loved him as one of their own children. But the future had something else in mind.
One day the son of the forest workman was in Varanove stetl and was joking with a Polish policeman. (A former Polish legionnaire named Plasscuk). While he was drunk he told the policeman the secret of a Jewish family (husband, wife and child) living with him in the forest. The policeman had no conscience and decided to liquidate these Jewish lives as he had also previously done.
On a certain Sunday in April 1942 the policeman came to the farmhouse. My wife and I were in the forest. Seeing the policeman my son hid in the stable. The policeman came into the house and not seeing anyone walked in the direction of the barn. My son tried to run but the policeman caught him and tortured him to try to find out where his parents were. With the idea of running away my boy walked in the direction of the forest. As he became closer to the forest he started to run. The policeman had thee bullets in his rifle. He fired the first two and missed the boy, but the third passed through the heart of the boy and he fell dead to the ground.
The first most precious member of my family laid far on a field far from a Jewish cemetery.
At the sound of the bullets my wife ran instinctively in that direction. She saw the flight and death of her child. She threw herself on the policeman and screamed what did you do? It became a struggle between them. He had no more bullets. The policeman struggled out of her grasp and he hit her with the end of the rifle. When the policeman heard the sound of a revolver and saw me and my fellow friends, he ran away. By the dawn of morning we buried our son not far from the forest near a blooming tree. The peasant assured us that he would take care of the grave.
We thought that we would be able to rebury him at the Jewish Cemetery at Lida. After two traumatic days we decided to take the road back to the Lida Ghetto.
In Vilna Ghetto
After sleeping in the Lida ghetto we decided to go to Vilna with the help of the peasant who brought us to Lida Ghetto. Arriving in Vilna we noticed a group of workers walking back to the ghetto from work. We managed to walk with them to get into the Ghetto, which was being watched by the Germans and Lithuanians. We stayed overnight there. I was called to the leader of the Judenrat, Desler (the police commandant). They started to interrogate me on how I managed to run away from the Lida ghetto.
I found out from them that the person that brought on the tragedy in Lida ghetto was arrested and in jail. They gave me the opportunity to see him and to verify to them if this was the person.
It is interesting to note that in spite of the fact it was forbidden for Jews to have communication through the post office, all news from one Ghetto to the other were known on a timely basis and accurate.
It was not hard for us to settle in the Vilna Ghetto thanks to a family named Rodsiewich who provided a place to sleep and thanks to their son who worked in the working commander's office
Life in the Vilna Ghetto was much more difficult than in Lida since the Vilna Ghetto was locked up with many people in small quarters under the tight control of the Lithuanian Gestapo. But even with this situation it was possible to have a cultural life.
I do not want to take up space to explain the political and cultural life in the Vilno Ghetto. I am leaving it to be written by to those Jews who lived through the German occupation of Vilno prior to its liquidation, Historians should in moe detail about men like Sutzkewer, Kowner, Dworzecki and others. I want to mention the Jewish Judenrat and the commander of the Jewish police Lichtman, Kotak and others who refused to collaborate with the Germans and painfully gave their lives. Unlike Desler, commander of the police in Vilno ghetto, and others who were traitors to their own brothers, who helped the German Gestapo in their dirty work. They later paid with their own lives, some by Gestapo and some by the underground parties.
After being in the Ghetto for two weeks I got a job with a group who worked outside Vilna ghetto in Porubanek. This group was closely watched by the Hitler-Yugents (Youth) and was in charge of Operation Todt. [note not in original: this was a notorious Nazi organization which had been in charge of the murder of all mental patients, residents of chronic care facilities, and the physically handicapped in Germany. These activities predated the Holocaust].
The work was done outside in the fresh air, but under the strong guard of a certain SS man whose ugly face was marked with burn spots. Inside he was 100 percent animal.
He put fear in everyone when he came for an inspection, which always ended with a killing. On most occasions it ended with the killing of one of the group leaders. Why they assigned me this job, I do not know today. But, I believe that it was in their mind to get rid of me. But faith wanted otherwise, Thanks to a big Polish woman, I managed to get closer contact with someone who sometimes made it easier for the workers and myself. Our relations went far and with his permission and that of the Gestapo I was given the opportunity to take machinery from Vilno to Grodno going through Lida. My desire was to get to the Lida ghetto to see my other child who was with the rest of my family.
When the auto got closer to Lida, I put on sunglasses to try to disguise my appearance so that no one should recognize me. I asked the Germans to let me off near the Ghetto at Postowski Street. My first impression of Lida was the same as when I had left, until coming to my house where my family lived. Many people looked at me but it appeared that they did not recognize me or did not believe I was still alive. Entering into the house I was shocked to see that everything had changed. The terrible massacre took many of my family my wife's two sisters, Tzivia Bojarsky and Chaja Noiman, her husband and child together with my second child.
A little later some Jews came from work. One of them, Moishe Markowitz, born in Wractow, [Wroclaw?] who had lived with us, told me of the massacre of the 8th of May 1942. He was also convicted to die and saved himself by running away.
This is in short his story:
At dawn on the 8th of May all the Jews were awakened from their sleep by the Germans by beatings and screams. The men, women and children were told to concentrate in one place in 4's. Of course with all their strength the families tried to keep together. With wild force they were chased in one direction. No one was permitted to speak or move out of the row. They were chase to the Koshoken (an outskirts where it was rumored that graves were being dug. The first (?) were chased from Postowski, Kladne, and Krupowski Streets and were surrounded by the Germans and their helpers with machine guns in their hands. On one side was a Zondergrup [Sondergruppe] with death inscriptions on their hats, together with them stood Windisch, Hanweg, Werner, and others and then they started the selection and (Hebrew without translation) people were directed left and right. The Arbeits Commissar (Working Commander) helped to point out those to the left that were temporarily needed alive. Those who were not meant to live were murdered, beaten and chased to the right side.They were all forced to sit or lay on the ground. When the job was done, all the Jews from the left where made to walk toward the Ghetto on Postowski Street. A little later all the Jews from the right were attacked with murderous beatings and were chased to the open graves with orders to get undressed and to hand over all valuables. The cries from the children and the spasming of the mothers could tear open the skies, but not the stonehearted murders. Among the cries could be heard the broken voice of Reb Haron Rabinowitz who went his last way with his word??? (his group of advisors). Jews do not cry, do not spill your tears, do not give the murders the enjoyment of hearing our cries and tears Kidush - Hashem and tearing Kria (the piece of cloth which is torn at a funeral by the mourners.) He went to the open grave.
Back to Vilna
As night came I left Lida Ghetto and returned to Vilna. It was not easy for me to swallow the pain within me and I showed a fake smile on my face so that my wife would not notice the pain within me. I told everything to her and anyone who asked.
On a certain day when I came to my work place the headman called me.
He told me that he was going on vacation to see his wife and children and he
demanded gifts be ready on the day of his departure. Of course his demand was
fulfilled.
My New Work Place
On my wife's demand we left the Vilna Ghetto and went to Biata Vaka, a former vacation place, which was 14 kilometers from Vilna. This place had been transformed into mines, which exported peat (a material that burns like coal). In charge was a Polish guide under the supervision of a man from Holland. It was not hard for me to get established at that workplace thanks the help of some acquaintances who worked there, a foreman with whom I have stayed in contact, and with the help of some money.
A few hundred Jewish men and women were occupied at this place. Not far from this workplace was another workplace where people were occupied with chopping wood in the forest. The atmosphere was not very pleasant. It was guarded by a Lithuanian policeman. Once or twice a week Jewish auxiliary police led a group of workers to the Vilna Ghetto.
In these forests some had the idea of contacting the partisans to start smuggling out Jews to fight the Germans. This work was not easy.
Every thought had to be controlled and you had to be very careful with every word not only to the Germans and Lithuanians but also your own people. These people thought they would survive the war by working and they were ready sometimes to tell the Germans about plans that were being prepared.
On a certain day the Germans announced that all workers at the peat works* were to be transferred with their belongings to Vilna. The peasants from the near-bye villages were mobilized to use their wagons to take the Jews from the work place to Vilno. Certain rumors were heard about the transfer. It was already known that most being transferred from the workplace would be taken to Panar (an extermination place) [Ponari, Panerai], a place from where you never return. The fact that the transfers were being done by the Lithuanians and not the SS police eased minds somewhat. These people were brought to Vilna to a certain camp, not the Ghetto, and they were watched by the Jewish Police. My wife and I by chance came to the Ghetto.
After the Germans inspected the neighborhood of Kara, which previously was a working camp, they built barracks and concentrated everyone into one place and fenced the area in with barbwire and demanded persons for work.
During this time I brought in the commander of the Jewish police whom I trusted to work with us to transfer armed Jews to the Partisans. I also secretly told a doctor that his place was temporarily here [was only temporary here?] and that he ought to go with us to the forest. I placed his family with a peasant family not far from the work place to get the doctor to join us. I was bitterly disappointed by these two persons. People that were caught were placed in the barracks, which were easy to control day and night.
In one of the big barracks at the entrance closest to the camp office I divided a small room which housed by wife and I and also SHMITH with his wife, a former Judenrat member in Lida. In this little room we conceived all plans to transfer groups from Vilna Ghetto through our work to the partisans in the forest.
[Page 325]
by Layzer Engelshtern
Translated by Philip Frey
| The author is a Vilna native, who, together with a larger group of Vilna Jews, arrived in Lida, after the mass-murders of Vilna Jews had begun. The Lida Judenrat (Jewish Council) had provided them all with forged documents as natives of Lida.
It had happened at that time, that certain Jewish thieves had made a robbery attack on the Lida Pravoslav priest, and the Germans caught and arrested them. The robbers' wives appealed to the Judenrat in order that they should free their men, a thing that the Judenrat could, naturally, not do. Out of revenge, the thieves denounced the Judenrat to the Germans. The Germans had the entire Jewish populace led, through a small passageway, past one of the thieves, named Virobek, who pointed out all of the Vilna-natives, whom he recognized. All the Vilna-natives were shot shortly thereafter. Also all of the members of the Judenrat were arrested and after an inhuman investigation (in the course of which they confessed nothing and gave no one up) they were killed in a bestial fashion. With this bloody episode (the Defilade(=march-past in Yiddish) here begins the writer's telling of his experiences in the Lida ghetto . |
| The Editors |
The Defilade in the Market-Place
The Jew of Lida found themselves in three separate ghettos in various corners of the city. This was because, the Nazi occupiers could not find sufficient houses in one quarter of the burned-down city for all 7 thousand Jews. Therefore they had to make three separate ghettos, amongst them one was found in the Kosharover street, the second-on Postover, and the third on the Piaskes. The Judenrat's bureaus had until the atrocious slaughter, May 8, 1942, been located on Kosharover street, and after the slaughter, when there remained scarcely a third of Lida's Jewish population, the only ghetto was on Postover street.
The Defilade took place a few days before Purim.
That daybreak, when people awoke and began to hurry, as at every daybreak, to go to work, they saw groups of armed Lithuanians in their yellow uniforms, and the fascist White-Russian police, led by a number of S.S gendarmes, that spread out over all the houses and with wild cries : Heraus (German=Outside), they began to chase everyone out of the houses, men, women and children. They did not even allow those to dress themselves, whom they encountered in their underwear. Whoever did not happen to grab some article of clothing to throw onto himself, ran out of the house in underwear. Sick and weak older people, who could not lift themselves from their beds, were shot in their beds by the beasts.
In the house, where I found myself, there was a young couple, the wife had a day before given birth to a child, which was factually a crime according to the Nazi ghetto-laws the woman was still very weak, the people of the house and her husband quickly threw a coat over her and supporting her under her arms they led her with the child out of the house before the murderers entered, if not, they would have shot her. But regardless they did not avoid death in the great slaughter. The woman's sister was with me later in the forest and she would constantly remind me about this very occurrence during the Defilade.
Beneath a hail of blows the murderers drove the Jews to the ghetto gate. No one had any other thought left, that this was indeed the final road to death. Therefore they began to run over the barbed wire on that side of the ghetto and to hide out where they might. But every escapee, who was observed by the murderers, was shot on the spot. In such a way masses of Jews were shot right in the first minutes.
Myself and another Jew were successful in climbing over the high fence of the ghetto near the workshops, which were outside of the ghetto. There several hundred ghetto Jews worked at different projects for the German army. We chanced to enter a warehouse, where there was a deep pit, in which there lay a metal tank, from which pipes led. Since there was danger, that the Nazis might come here seeking people hiding-out, therefore both of us crept down into the pit and shoved ourselves behind the tank, but there was only space for one, so we lay one on top of the other. And it did indeed turn out, that our assumption was correct. A short while later someone opened the door and then closed it again. If we had not at that time have descended into the pit, I would not have been writing these lines now. Simultaneously we heard shoot-
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ing in the yard, and this was an indication, that the murderers had found Jews hidden in the yard.
The two of us remained in the pit a whole night long and we made different plans, what to do with ourselves, if the ghetto were no more. My brother in distress was indeed working in the workshops as a tailor, he was from Lida and knew the entire area around Lida. He comforted me, that no matter what we would be together.
When day began to break, we heard Yiddish being spoken near the warehouse, where we were lying. We ran up to a support for the wall and the tailor, I don't remember his name, quickly recognized, that these are the Jews, who were working in the stable for horses, and we quickly exited the warehouse in order to find out what had happened.
When I found out that no slaughter had occurred, I could no longer remain standing listening to their telling, because my consciousness and clear reason dictated, that I must already be in the ghetto and to catch the group of workers, who work together with me in the S.S. gendarmerie, before the go out of the ghetto. If I am not there to meet them, then I am finished.
Several days later gendarmes came into the ghetto and took away everything from the houses of the arrested council members. This was an indication, that the murderers had already extinguished their lives. That same day the beasts lead them out several meters from the jail and shot them.
Several days after that they also led the arrested Vilna-natives to that side of the jail and shot them.
Hereby I wish to note the bizarrely dreadful fact:
When the murderers shot the Vilna sacrificial offerings it was already nightfall. As the murders began to discharge series of bullets into the unfortunates, three fell immediately even before they were hit by the bullets. Those who were shot began to fall upon them and in such a manner they remained lying beneath the mass of slain persons and were soaked in their blood.
When the murderers completed their bloody work, they left quietly, leaving behind for the Jews of the ghetto to remove and bury the dead bodies on the morrow. Until midnight the survivors lay in this very terrible condition, and afterward they extricated themselves from beneath the hill of dead bodies and vanished into the darkness of night.
Later those in the ghetto were apprised of this story, when the three were already back in the Vilna ghetto. Two of them I remember by name. One was called Gamarski, he 'd lived in Vilna on Lipuvke, and the second, Antske Kentski, the youngest son of a well-known Vilna merchant. The lived thereafter in the Vilna ghetto until its liquidation. But death did nonetheless not avoid them and they perished later at the time of the liquidation of the ghetto. The third is Zalman Duktshulski, who lives in Israel.
Until the great slaughter in the Vilna ghetto, the murders operated in this manner, that all the Jews, whom they shot, afterward they commanded the Judenrat to send a cart to remove the sacrifices and to bury them in the cemetery. In this manner they first had the opportunity to see with what bestiality the murderers had comported themselves toward the unfortunate Jews prior to shooting them.
They also used to shoot they sacrifices with dum-dum bullets (explosive-bullets) in such a manner that there occurred heartrending scenes on the part of the families of the deceased, who were unable to recognize them, but only on the basis of the little pieces of clothing, which still remained upon them were they able to recognize them.
The bodies of the murdered members of the Judenrat were black with deep wounds and more than skin and bones did not remain after all the tortures, the beasts carried out upon them.
After the Judenrat's perishing the area-commissar gave a command, that a new Judenrat be created. At the beginning it was difficult to find candidates, who would be willing to enter the Judenrat and endanger their lives for the common good, but there was no other alternative and somehow they managed to assemble a new Judenrat.
Terrible oppressiveness reigned in the ghetto after the perishing of the Judenrat. They began to feel another atmosphere and it was agreed that the ghetto could survive difficult times.
A few weeks later a new tragedy occurred. This time they arrested more than seventy Jews who worked in a German entity-Boytn-Lager, this meant, a place, where they assembled the conquered trophies, which the German army had seized from their enemies on the battlefield. The Germans accused the arrested Jews that they stole arms from the Boytn-Lager. Despite that they found nothing when they arrested them, they took them all to jail.
As it turned out later, it was a denunciation by the Christian Polish workers, who worked there, and had, it would appear, indeed stolen weapons for themselves or to sell to the partisans, and in order to avert suspicion on the part of the Germans in the camp, they had denounced the Jewish workers.
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After keeping them in jail for several weeks and torturing them, the ghetto soon had over seventy fresh sacrifices.
At the same time news arrived in the ghetto concerning slaughters perpetrated on the Jews of the towns of White-Russia. The mood started to become sad. People felt, that the evil hour began to appear for the Lida ghetto. Optimists comforted the nervous public and convinced themselves and others, that Hanweg, the area-commissar would not permit a slaughter of the Lida ghetto. Because he needs the Jews for their work. Especially, since the ghetto workshops produce such important things, which were so necessary for the soldiers on the battlefields: therefore he would not permit putting his useful craftsmen to death.
In such a way, they speculated (casuistically, as in a Talmudic debate) in the evenings, when they would return from the slave-labor.
For safety reasons, here also, as during those times in Vilna, in the period of the yellow shine, people sought various ways of sneaking themselves into the fortunate workshops, in order to have the shine(as in fortune shines upon) of a craftsman.
The Jewish confidant of the area commissar and overseer over the workshops and jewish laborers, who worked there, was an engineer from Galicia, an assimilated Jew named Altman.
When the liquidation of the Lida ghetto took place, his area-commissar liquidated him just the same as all the Jews of the ghetto. Together with the remaining Jews he was lead out to Maidanek. The Great Slaughter Of The Lida Jews After the tragic demise of the Lida Judenrat and after the Defilade at the market, they felt each day, that a dark cloud was approaching the ghetto.
Indeed a great confusion took hold of the Vilna survivors. After the fifty Vilner fell as sacrifices due to the informing by Virobek, they feared, that the area-commissar and the chief of the gendarmerie would take still other measures to capture more Vilner. Because of this there began amongst the Vilner a confused running from Lida back to the Vilna ghetto. There the situation at that time was, so to speak, stabilized, where 15,000 Jews were found, whom the Nazis for the present left alive.
Such a trip to Vilna was not only entailed the peril of death that lurked at every step and stride, but one also needed lots of money. A peasant, who risked transporting several Jews, along back roads in his wagon to Vilna, demanded a fabulous price. I, for example, could only dream about such, but those, who could pay and had an opportunity, did not let the danger stop them. In this way quite a few Vilna survivors were transported from the Lida ghetto.
At the same time a scurrying went on in the ghetto for one to supply himself with a craftsman-shine of the workshops or of another apparently safe facility. The whole ghetto literally was afever with this very problem. The craftsman-shine was considered the only way to salvation in the event of a slaughter. To run away into the forests, at that time, had not occurred to anyone in the ghetto, because they had not heard of any partisan-movement in the ghetto.
In such a frenzied and disoriented atmosphere they lived day and night during the month of May.
In the early days of May the area-commissar Hanweg sent for the representatives of the Judenrat.
He came out with the following words:
-It has come to my attention, that the Jews have hidden money and valuable articles, which at present have not been given over to my jurisdiction. I give you a term of three days to collect all the hidden gold from the Jews and to bring it to me. If this is not carried out within the term, I do not guarantee that which will follow, which will result because of this.When the representative came into the ghetto with the report, you can imagine, what sort of upheaval this evoked.
The Judenrat called for an assembly of the entire ghetto and related the area-commissar's words and they appealed, that those, who had gold and clothing, should bring it to the Judenrat, perhaps with it they might prevent a tragedy for the ghetto.
(Here it needs to be remembered, that immediately after the Jews were driven into the ghetto, the area-commissar commanded, that the Jews have to surrender gold and valuable objects under threat of a death-penalty.)
Despite they already felt, that no slaughter here, precisely as in the other ghettos, was to be averted, they wanted to create a spark of hope here, perhaps a little gold might soften the heart of the area-commissar and he would hold back the planned slaughter, and they began bringing gold and clothing to the Judenrat.
When the representatives of the Judenrat brought the area-commissar the assembled gold, he told them to come once again on the next day.
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On the following day they received the following response from the area-commissar:
-According to my information-----he said------the Jews have more gold. I give you a term of another three days to gather up the remaining gold, which the Jews have hidden.The Judenrat again called an assembly and related the response by the area-commissar. This time they did not appeal as before, that they should hurry to turn in the gold and objects. A deep sadness poured out over their faces, and one could understand that nothing could shout-away the slaughter. They all stood with downcast faces. After a representative of the Judenrat said the Almighty will perhaps protect us from the great danger, all returned to their homes.
This was the 6th of May, 1942, two days before the great catastrophe.
The slaughters in White-Russia were carried out by an S.D. Command. Jews called them Tropi-Tschatschkes(a tschatschke is a trinket)', since they bore an emblem of a skull on their hats .
The slaughters in the towns were designated by the general-commissar over all western White-Russia. He was called Kuba, and his staff was located in Minsk. According to his order at the designated time period the slaughters of Jews were carried out by these Tropi-Tschatschkes, with the help of the local gendarmes, White-Russian police, and Lithuanians, brought down from Lithuania. Therefore at that time the Jews were wary, when they went to and from work, to see if there appeared the murderers with those hats, and when they encountered one or several of the murderers, a panic overtook the ghetto, and that night they expected the action. But it turned out, that they had come for some other reason, and all they suffered was a fright.
It is worthwhile to mention, that the bloodthirsty Kuba was later torn to shreds in his residence during an attempted assassination. That was an act of revenge by the White-Russian partisans and it was carried out in the following manner:
Getting close to such a bigshot was hardly easy. He was constantly surrounded by an entire staff of his security-people, who guarded his filthy bones. Therefore they needed the help of someone on the inside and lot fell to one of the maids, who served him, and had earned his trust. The partisans made contact with this maid and she was given the assignment of placing the actual bomb with a timer under his bed, that was calculated, to explode when the bigshot would be lying in bed asleep. And so it indeed was. When the murdered Kuba was sleeping sweetly in his soft bed, the bomb exploded and in an instant their remained no sign of his filthy bones.
When we, the workers at the S.D. Gendarmerie, would enter the ghetto to work, people were there awaiting us, they wanted to know, if there at the SS, perhaps had heard something, or if the Tropi-Tschatschkes had arrived etc. But right on the day before the slaughter we detected no extraordinary movement. As usual, completed our work at the customary time and went back to the ghetto.
Who Shall Live and Who Shall Die
The 8th of May, 1942, the ghetto was surrounded in the middle of the night and before daybreak we saw the Tropi-Tschatschkes and armed Lithuanians, and also White-Russian police. All of them were dead drunk, their faces filled with rage-a cry tore itself out of each of us in our cottage-This time a slaughter is assured.
Instantly the murders tore their way in with wild cries: Heraus (outside), heraus, and they began to chase the people out of their houses. It appeared at that moment, as if they were driving a herd of cattle from their stable into the slaughter house to be slaughtered Whoever did not appear to run out at that very second was brutally beaten with their gun butts, the beasts threw that bloodied person out onto the street and drove him to the ghetto gate.
On both sides of the street Lithuanians were arranged with guns in their hands and they continuously drove the confused Jews and when they approached the gate, the beasts commanded us to line up in rows of four and to march in the indicated direction to Kosharover street. There too armed Lithuanians stood on both sides of the street.
The front rows came to the place, where three streets crossed: one way, right, led to the Kosharover street, and a second, left, led back to the ghetto. At this place the rows remained standing.
In this place the selection took place, with its entire clique (of selectors).
There the whole band of murders was already assembled. The elders of the S.S-gendarmerie together with the chief heading the S.D.-gendarmerie and the area-commissar Hanweg together with his whole clique.
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Families walked together. When they came up to the place, they had the Shine of their work prepared in their hand, which was inspected by the murderers and there was an immediate indication with a finger where he should be sent.
At the beginning the majority of those who had Craftsman Shines were sent to the left, which means, to live. Not A few heart-rending scenes took place, even with those, who were for the moment the fortunate ones. If the owner of the Craftsman-shine had, according to the count by the murderers, a family that was too large, it was torn apart. A portion were sent to the left and the remaining ones were sent to the right, to death. There were however many cases where families did not wish to part and they all went together to their death. The gallows-masters scarcely cared.
It turned out that it was my fate to go in the very last rows. The rows moved very slowly. With each step further my heart shook with convulsions. Each step further was a step closer to death. I did not create any illusions for myself, that I with my simple Shine would be left alive. Just as the last rows neared the selection place, suddenly the selection was interrupted and the murderers began to beat everyone with their gun-butts and to drive them to the right into Kosharover Street.
As it was later related in the ghetto, the selection was interrupted because, out of the more than 7 thousand Jews, who were found in the three separate ghettos, the gallows-masters decided to leave up to 1500, and since the appointed number was complete, they interrupted further selection. Due to this really fine craftsmen were sent to their death who had good shines and would surely have been sent to the left, if they had found themselves in the earliest rows, and so it was my fate to be driven to the right along with the persons of privilege (Yiddish sarcastic usage).
We were driven to the place, where the flock sentenced to death stood, and we united ourselves with them.
Soon there came a command to seat ourselves on the ground. One the face of it they wanted to be sure, they we wouldn't run away. We saw how the armed murders were placed around us and the machine-gunners were aiming at the sentenced people.
Simultaneously near to us we also saw two open trucks, on which there stood casks of lime and chlorine and a lot of shovels.
The cynicism of the murderers went so far, that they thought to further horrify the moods of the sacrifices and they no less stationed the trucks before the eyes of the unfortunates, in order to demonstrate, what awaited us. And truly the machine guns, aimed at us did not as much unscrew our nerves as the two trucks with the chlorine and the shovels.
Round and round us fields were spread and on the horizon we could see the edges of the forests.
At first glance you may ask:
Why didn't you run away across the fields, since the whole community of several thousand Jews saw what was happening? What did they have to lose in the face of death? I sat on the earth next to the next-to-the-last director of the Vilna People's-Bank at Pohulanke (street), Zakheim, whom I had befriended in Vilna even before the war, and we indeed were talking about the pain-filled question. He did not cease smoking one cigarette after the next, which he twisted into paper and he asked God, that his tobacco should last till his final breath. He took a golden watch out of his pocket and called out to me:
-----See, Engelshtern, this very watch, my wife bought it for me as a wedding present. No, the murders will not inherit it, and with these words he struck the watch against a stone he shoved the watch into the filthy earth. Afterward he called out to me again. These were Zakheim's last words:Just as he ended these words we saw a middle-aged Jew shoving himself through the midst of the thick mass of people. He was a baker and in the ghetto he lived in the second cottage next to mine. Here he was together with his wife and four little children. In the ghetto he was thought to be aloof. But this Jew with the aloof attitude understood a lot more than, all, who were here, what they had to do at the last minute. He slowly shuffled and called-out quietly:---I am no longer young-he said to me---I don't have the strength to run. But you, Engelshtern, are still young, you must not let yourself be led like an animal to the slaughter, run away at the first opportunity, and at least die an honorable death
---Jews---he said---you can already see[Page 330]
what we're facing and what the murderers will soon do to us. We have one way out to save our selves. Lets take the stones here and throw them at the murderers and suddenly we can run away in every direction across the fields. They will shoot at us. Nu, so what, let them shoot, in any case they're going to shoot us.I remember, how I was carried away by his logical and understandable words, that I wanted to shake his hand. But no one listened to his words, everyone was occupied with his own thoughts. But he never ceased shoving himself through the thick mass and never tired of repeating his words.
My ears caught interrupted words from the men and women sitting there about the baker's entreaty:
---Perhaps we are not fated, because me sinned against the Almighty: no matter what we shall die. We no longer have the strength to live and to observe the grief of our children--and more and more other expressions.These aforesaid words give already the answer to the pain-filled question-why we did not run away across the fields.
We were exhausted by so much suffering and the boundless brutality, that we experienced every day. For what purpose to save yourself? Why to clutch at such a wormy existence. If in just a short while we could be delivered from this dark life.
Another moment should be mentioned here.
The German army found itself at that time deep in Russia, and we could not imagine, that they might quickly be repulsed from there.
And the entire community of Jews, a scant six thousand---men, women and children, sat as doomed persons, resigned, depressed and waiting with extinguished eyes, for the murderers to free them from the Hell of the world.
Soon the command was given to form ranks of four. At that moment a lamenting outcry and a crying by women and little children, that could have rent the heavens. The murders surrounding us were not moved. Apparently, they had already seen enough such pictures that they were already accustomed to the lamenting of the men, women and children, whom that had upon their conscience.
And immediately came the command to march. The sun that had previously shone so brightly, suddenly disappeared into the clouds, sort of as if it were ashamed to look at the depressed people, who are now being led to the slaughter. The wind howled and it seemed as if it howled at the fate of the unfortunates, who now are going on their final road. And indeed at that moment there awakened in me a desire for life, round and about I saw the green fields, the trees were blooming, nature, everywhere calls for life, everything is sprouting out of the earth, and we must now part with our lives.
Now we had already entered the narrow Kosharover street, Both sides of the street were thickly surrounded by the armed murderers. We are plodding with our feet in the deep mud of the unpaved street. Ever step brings us ever nearer to the last minute of our life.
In placing myself in the rows I had calculated to be the first one at the edge. My neighbors in my row already knew my plan, and they said, that just as soon as I would run out of the row, they would also follow after me. The murders were hard alongside me and I watched out for every glance of their eyes. With every glance I looked for a break in the fence, into which I might run at the right moment. Soon the long street with its houses will end. My nerves were stressed to the utmost. Lightning-fast I decided---now is the time to make an escape. I ran out of my line and into a gap in the fence. The other three in my row began to escape, and similarly at the same time from other rows. The murderers began shooting at the escapees, and with wild shouting.
When I was on the other side of the fence, I sprawled in the wet mud, held my breath and pulled my hat over my face and afterward spread out my hands, not allowing the slightest movement of my body, exactly as if I were dead I don't feel a bullet, that might have struck me. Lying there in this way I heard the murderers running around in the field, how they never ceasing yelling and shooting.
When the shooting ceased and I no longer heard their wild shouts, I understood, the rows of doomed Jews had already passed through the little street and I lifted my head a bit, in order to see what was happening around me. I saw a toilet, and when I lifted my head a bit more and saw, that no one was around there, I began to crawl on my belly toward the toilet and pulled myself inside. First now through the cracks I could see what was happening around the fields.
First when I could see the sprawled dead on the surrounding field around through the cracks in the outhouse (walls)
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and at the same time, out of my mouth tore a cry from my deepest recesses:
---Oh, God, why did you let me remain alive, to further torment myself in the world? Why do I deserve this?Oh, how I did envy the dead at that moment who lay spread out over the fields and I whispered to myself:
----For them its already good, they are free of the life of suffering and for me my beaker of suffering is not yet full.My thoughts completely refused to work and in the first moment I could not consider my situation in which I suddenly found myself. My clothes were soaked from lying in the wet mud, that soaked me through and through, from which I shuddered with cold. The stinking smells of the filled-up outhouse nauseated me till I felt I was choking.
The shooting didn't stop for a minute, and at the same time I could observe through the cracks that automobiles were driving, in which high-placed Nazis apparently were sitting. They were riding to the murder site to observe how their comrades carried out the extermination of the Jewish people. These very automobiles were continually riding back and forth bringing new interested parties to get a look at the spectacle, how Jewish blood pours.
And so the minutes turned into hours of my sitting in the stinking toilet, being afraid to go out, lest I be dragged off to the graves, until it got dark and the shooting had stopped.
Soon I saw a lot of automobiles riding back and a while later I saw trucks, which were filled with clothing.
First then it became clear to me, that the sacrifices had to undress, before the murderers killed them.
At the same time I also saw the trucks riding toward the houses, where the Jews had slept before this night. The White-Russian police began to carry everything out of there and rode away with it.
When I saw this, it became clear to me already, that as soon as it would get dark, I must disappear from the outhouse, if not, I would again fall into the hands of the murderers.
Soon it was dark enough, and the automobiles stopped coming to carry away the murdered peoples things, I made up my mind, that this is the right time to slip out of this place. I apprised myself immediately, that they had placed sentries on the street, in order that the Christian population should not drag away everything from the houses during the night A thought seized me, that I should crawl on my belly, and in the darkness they couldn't spot me, always further from the Kosharover street, and afterward I would seek a way out, where to take myself.
I crawled out of the tiny room and began to crawl on my belly across the fields like a snake. In this way I crept across the muddy fields for along time, which were damp from the not-long melted snow, not knowing where I was, until I crept into a little wooded area. There I felt more certain and I decided to rest until daybreak.
When it became a little light I saw, that during the night I had traversed, crawling on my belly, a considerable distance. I no longer had any yellow-patches on me. When I was still in the toilet I tore them off. Then with quick strides I took myself deeper into the forest. I sought a deep thicket of bushes where I could hide-out. There I decided to lie there as long as I could hold out against hunger and thirst. I was almost completely spent, I lay down on the earth and soon was asleep. I was awakened by the howling of dogs, which came from far away, so I had a sign, the houses were to be found not too far away. I was unendurably thirsty but, but I didn't have the
audacity to leave my lair and to go to seek water. .I decided to remain lying in the lair until the next day. I thought that since I was near to the city it was a lot better to let another day elapse. Perhaps the White-Russian police are still around. In this way I remained lying in the lair until morning. I could no longer endure thirst. This was the third day that I had not had a drop of water in my mouth.
Before me stood the question: where should I go now?
There could be no though of going back to Lida. First I needed a house, where I could wash myself and clean up my clothes just a tiny bit., which were smeared with mud, so that I should not be suspected, of being an escapee from the slaughter.
I left my hideout and went looking for a house somewhere. Having gone a half a kilometer, I saw a house in the distance, so I went in
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that direction. Approaching nearer, just as a peasant-woman went out of the house. I went straight to her and asked, if I might have a drink of water. She, at the time was looking me over, but she asked no questions went right into the house and came out with a dipper of water that she gave to me. I went at the water with terrible avidness, so that actually in very few seconds I had drunk the entire dipper-full and the Christian lady was standing there looking at me agape. She had already, it appeared, understood who I was and from where I came .
Returning the empty dipper to her, I asked her first of all if there were any strangers in her house and if she would permit me to wash myself off in her house. At this she invited me into the house without hesitation.
As I entered the house I encountered her husband there. They both could not stop looking at me. On their faces I could see amazement apparently at my awful appearance. Suddenly the peasant-woman began to wring her hands and crossing herself several times, she cried out: O Bozshe Moy (Oh, My God).
The peasant-woman a her husband were apparently very religious Catholics, and as I immediately began to feel, I had had very good luck to chance upon such a house. The immediately told me to take off the muddied clothes and they gave me a robe to put on. Afterward they themselves put my wet clothes on the heated oven to dry. She also warmed up a large cast-iron tub of water for me to wash myself, and afterward gave me food and drink. Tears formed in my eyes because of their goodness toward me. I thought: apparently, not all gentiles are corrupt. After eating I related my entire experience.
Both heard with wringing hands as I told of my tearful experience, and when I finished, the told me to climb up atop the oven and to go to sleep there.
First as I was lying on warm oven as my writhing limbs were warming up, I began to analyze my lot, putting the question to myself: Who knows , what might by now have happened to me, had I not accidentally chanced upon such good and honest people?
I slept through the night and before daybreak the good people told me to go into the barn and to burrow into the hay. In case, they said, neighbors from the surrounding houses come by, who my see me, it might possibly result in much trouble for them and for me, because they are hiding a Jew .
I crept down off the oven immediately, and took my clothing along into the barn, which had dried out in the course of the night, and after entering the barn as best I could I tried to clean the mud off my clothing.
I began to think: What to do next? Where shall I go now?
If I knew, I thought, that the ghetto in Lida still exists, I would have gone back to the ghetto, but how to find out?---I racked my brain.
When the good peasant-woman brought me food in the barn, I said to her, what it was that was bothering me. She soon decided by herself to go to Lida and to find out if there are still Jews in the ghetto.
At night the peasant-woman returned from Lida, and she related that she had met a group of Jews coming from work in the ghetto and they told her, the ghetto now is located in Postover street, and especially, that I need have no fear about returning to the ghetto.
As soon as I heard, I felt, as if a stone had been removed from upon my heart. At that moment the only way out was to return to the ghetto.
That night I slept in the hay in the barn and before daybreak after I heartily thanked the good people for everything, which they had done for me, I departed for Lida. But rather then to immediately go into the ghetto, as I was on the way there I considered, that I had better first go to the kitchen of the Judenrat, which was situated opuside of the ghetto. My assessment was, that amongst the Jewish workers, who work in the kitchen, I could learn more details about the ghetto, and if I might be able to legitimize myself there. I plotted, that I might for the time-being give them a little help in the kitchen, and when the workers will return to the ghetto at night, I would company them.
And so I did.
Back To The Ghetto
When I came to the kitchen, the workers immediately noticed that I come from there and before they asked me anything, the women soon found me a piece of yellow rag and cut yellow-patches out of it which they pinned on me front and back, before the Christian manageress of the kitchen would arrive. Quickly the wood-sawyers took me in amongst themselves and I helped to chop and saw wood. At that moment my function and further ghetto life was sealed.
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Seeing the wood I already told all, that had happened with me in the course of the several days. The calmed me and assured, that I could be in the ghetto legally exactly like everyone else.
When the manageress arrived, the workers told her that I had been sent by the Judenrat to the kitchen in order to help in sawing the wood. Actually she had indeed requested but the Jdenrat did not have sufficient people and therefore they send only the very minimum. Therefore the manageress was indeed satisfied, since she would have another unpaid slave for the future.
Impatiently I counted the hours till the day's end, when I might be able to go away to the ghetto to see, how many in the cottage where I lived, were still alive.
Coming at nightfall into the ghetto and looking into the cottage, I encountered very different people there. I had known none of them previously. Of the 23 persons who had lived in all three rooms of the house no one except me remained alive. Immediately I felt myself a stranger amongst those with whom I wasn't acquainted, who had lived in a second ghetto until the slaughter. From amongst my meager store of clothing I found very little.
I think, that it is important to briefly relate how the ghetto appeared after the murderers left remaining scarcely 20 percent of the number of souls, who were found in all three ghettos.
When I came into the ghetto it was already the fourth day since the old-new ghetto had again existed. According to what I soon realized, 1300 Jews returned after the selection. Several days later 20 additional persons came, who had saved themselves in one or another way. This is really important to assert, that of the nearly six thousand Jews, who the murderers drove to the graves, only 20 saved themselves by some miracle.
Life in the ghetto already continued normal, so to speak, as if nothing had happened four days previously. The sadness and the pain of the loss was borne deep within their hearts. The commands had to be precisely carried out. So, that there would be no time for mourning the deceased. There was a new Judenrat, and a new police-chief, over the newly-created ghetto police, and Jews exactly as before, went out to work outside the ghetto.
The most interesting was that, while the murderers had driven everyone away from the ghetto, they left police to guard the possessions and finery, that the unfortunates left behind, so that the gentiles shouldn't steal it. And when the 1300 Jews returned at nightfall they found clothing in the houses and even a bit of foodstuffs. Whoever was fortunate enough to happen into a house, where wealthy people had previously lived, became their inheritor. Afterward they lived off of this in the ghetto, selling the clothing to Christians or they bartered it for foodstuffs when they went to and from work.
Across the street from my cottage, there lived a Lida family of 7 persons, ho occupied a whole cottage for themselves,: parents, three grown daughter, and a daughter-in-law with a three-year-old little girl. They were called Tzigelnitski. They called the man Henekh the yellow in the ghetto. He was deaf and a wood turner by trade. This very family I had known previously. I frequently used to visit them in the evenings after work. The whole family saved itself from the slaughter, thanks to the two daughters whom worked in the Gendarmerie. By chance, one of the S.S. gendarmes, whose clothing they washed, spotted them, when everyone was being led out of the ghetto to the selection. This gendarme led them to a house in the ghetto where they hid themselves somewhere. They remained hidden there till nightfall and the heard, that Jews had come back to the houses.
But the gruesome death nonetheless did not miss them. During the liquidation of the Lida ghetto in September 1943, they were led away together. Only the daughter was saved, leaping out of a train and then coming to Belski's partisan otriad (Soviet partisan military detachment). She now lives in Israel.
These Tsigelnitskis were overjoyed by my being saved, just as if I were one of their family. Seeing, that I was lonesome among strange people in my house, they proposed that I live with them, and indeed they adopted me into their family. So it was we remained together until the day of leaving for the forest.
Since I had during the day, when I was discovered in the kitchen, that there was a good place for me to work, I decided immediately to request that the Judenrat send me there to work. So it actually was. On the morrow the Judenrat send me to work in the kitchen. That already was my last slave-labor in the ghetto.
I will go over certain episodes from my new work-place.
The manageress of the kitchen, as I had already previously mentioned, was a middle-aged Polish woman, her family name was Tomashevits. She was
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a very pious Catholic, but an anti-Semite of the first sort. Her husband had been a member of the Polish Reactionary Endekisher (German entdecken=to discover, Yiddish antdecken means then same) party. When the Soviets captured Lida in 1939 they took her husband, along with others, to Siberia. From then on she brewed enmity toward Jews, since she held Jews responsible for her man's exile.
This very anti-Semite was the total mistress over the Jewish product-rations, which she received from the city-administration for the ghetto kitchen. The rations of barley and potatoes, which the Nazis doled out for every person in the ghetto were much smaller than those for the Christian population. Out of this impoverished ration the heartless administrator stole an additional half, sold it and made a fortune at the expense of the hungry Jews in the ghetto.
I had previously thought, that only the Nazis were guilty, that we received watery soup. First when I arrived to work in the kitchen, I discovered, what the gentile-woman was doing with the provisions.
After working there several weeks, the chef became ill and no longer came to the kitchen and they needed another chef. The administrator came over to me early in the morning when I came to work, and called out to me:
---Layzer, Bendyesh kukhazshem (You will be the chef )I answered her immediately that I will not be able to carry it out, because I don't know with what they eat it (sic). She stamped her foot on the floor and cried out angrily:
---Miltsh, Psyakrev! (Silence you doggish blood).Soon she told the women, who worked at peeling potatoes, to show me, what I had to do.
The women calmed me, seeing my frightened gaze and my helplessness. The promised to help me and assured, that I will accomplish the work, just like the previous chef, who also knew nothing at the start.
From then on I was the chef it took a few days and I already knew this work, and soon everyone in the ghetto, where very few people knew me, already knew that I was called Layzer the chef---everybody at once began to call me by this nickname.
In the same week, when the murderers carried out the gruesome slaughter of the Lida Jews, they did the same in all the towns, that had fallen under the Lida area-commissar Hanweg. Selections also took place there. Out of the ten towns of the Lida circle, where 30,000 Jews had been found, the murderers selected 2 thousand of the most important craftsmen, such as, tailors, cobblers and mechanics, and allowed them to live.
Simultaneously there came a command to make these towns Judenrein (free of Jews) and to send the remaining Jews to the Lida ghetto.
Soon the several thousand Jews arrived in the Lida ghetto. The murderers drove them tens of kilometers on foot, because of this they only take along only that, which they could carry on their shoulders. So they came with only the most essential clothing and underwear. Thus the only Lida ghetto out of the entire circle again had more than three thousand persons.
New heart-rending scenes were played out with the coming of the newly-arrived. Their wounds were still fresh due to the newly -lost families and no one was able to comfort them, since among the Lida-natives the wounds
of after the slaughter were also fresh enough.
The crowding in the ghetto became more severe than before the destruction. Within the same number of houses, where previously 2500 souls had lived, it was necessary to make space for the additional arrivals. But they soon figured it out. Everyone compressed himself a bit more and space was made for everyone.
In the workshops, which had lost so many master-craftsmen during the slaughter, the administrator began to fill the ranks with the newly-arrived craftsmen. Also in the other facilities, the Judenrat needed to send Jewish workers. Bit by bit we became accustomed to the new situation in the ghetto.
Also in the kitchen, where I worked as chef there entered a change since we had received more eaters. Then I needed to cook two large kettles twice a day, 12 noon and at dusk. When the workers sent from their work they took along their portions of soup to the ghetto. I used to labor beyond my strength, but it didn't bother me.
But I was sickened that the anti-Semitic administrator was stealing half of the provisions and I had to hand out watery soup to the people. I was helpless against her. But suddenly there also came a change in the realm of good.
Amongst the newly-arrived Jews were also a number of Yeshivah-Bokherim (students in a Jewish-religious school) who came from Radun with the handful of the Jews remaining after the slaughter there. Radun and her Yeshivah were once renowned
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far past her borders, where hundreds of Yeshivah-Bokherim had studied. One of them came to work in the kitchen. This Yeshivah-Bokher, who they called Khayim, actually wrought marvels. He wrought a revolution in the behavior of the heartless Polish kitchen administrator.
I spare you a depiction of Khayim's piety. I shall only say, that we, workers in the kitchen, considered him to be a holy man, and he was in the fullest sense of the word. I used to be cheered-up by his faith.
I tell you, Layzer, that we will live until the salvation, indeed in the near future-he used to constantly console me.
The manageress, Tomashevitz, immediately noticed his piety, she being herself a believing Christian, beginning the first day, when khayim came to work in the kitchen, she had a completely different attitude toward him than to all of her other Jewish slaves.
Soon Khayim also became aware of the good deeds of the ugly Gentile, and all of his limbs shook, when we constantly would talk about her thefts.
One special day the manageress called out to Khayim to beseech God for her husband. She wishes to get some information, whether he is alive.
Khayim didn't answer her about this. It chanced to happen, that shortly after her turning to Khayim, she received a telegram from her husband, which had come from Turkey, that he was healthy .
The Gentile nearly lost her mind out of joy, I don't know, that she truly believed, that this had helped, the Khayim had pleaded with the Lord of the World on her husband's behalf but the result of the telegram was an good one indeed for the hungry people in the ghetto. Some sort of crisis of conscience had taken place. From then on she entrusted Khaki with the key to the warehouse for the provisions and the key to the cellar for the potatoes, and Khayim saw to it, that enough barley and potatoes were put into the kettle and I could now cook up a thick soup, with which the hungry Jews of the ghetto might at least for a short while quiet their hunger.
Then I began to feel just a liittle satisfaction from my hard work. It was now not difficult to stand by the big seething kettle in the heavy steam to mix with the large wooden paddle, in order that the soup should not burn.
At the same time Khayim prevailed with the manageress to have a separate small kettle of soup for his Yeshivah-Bokherim friends, in order that they should not have to eat from then on-Kosher kettle. Actually the soup was cooked without any trace of fat, only the most meager amounts of barley and potatoes. But when on rare occasion there came a holiday, when she would receive bones for the kettle, the Yeshivah-Bokherim would not eat the soup. Then it occurred to Khayim to ask permission from her to cook for themselves separately. Friday, for example, he used to cook soup for the Yeshivah-Bokherim also for Shabbat, and he would carry a whole bucket of soup to the ghetto a short while before sunset, who then could compare to him?
Partisans Let Themselves Be Heard
When Hitler began his blitzkrieg against the Soviet-Union in June of 1941 and the soviet army was forced to retreat hastily, hundreds of thousands of the Red-Army fell into German captivity. The Nazis, however, began the mass murder of the Russian captives. When the prisoners became aware of this, they began to flee into the forests. Starving, they began to drag themselves through the villages, where they would get food. Out of these prisoners, together with other Russian and White-Russian elements there originated the ramified partisan capability, which had already linked up a contact with general staff of the partisans across all White-Russia and other areas. At the beginning nearly nothing was heard from them, in any case, Jews in the ghetto knew nothing about any partisan movement. Until the great slaughter of May, 1942.
Hundreds of villages spread out over tens of kilometers around Lida. The peasants of those villages used to market at Jewish stores and because of this the Jews were acquainted with many peasants. The same peasants would also come from time to time to Lida to sell their village produce, when the Jews were going to and from work. In secret the Jews little by little would buy small quantities of foodstuffs and at the same time sell them their clothing, which made it possible for them to live through the critical time.
The central locus of this forbidden commerce between the peasants and the Jews was in the courtyard and around the destroyed buildings of the Judenrat kitchen, where I worked. The Jews were forbidden to go to the market, where the majority of the peasants had to sell their produce. There they had to sell their produce at minimal prices which the Nazi occupiers had determined. Therefore there were enough peasants willing, who took a risk and came to the kitchen yard knowing, there all of the Jews from the ghetto com and buy their produce, for which they took whatever they wanted to and at the same time they bought from the Jews their clothing. In this fashion
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They used to meet with these peasants often and from them they later indeed learned, that there were partisans moving about near Lida.
As I have already related, I lived with Lida family Tsigelnitski. In that cottage many people used to gather. Since there was no place to go, so this very cottage became, so to speak, a sort of Kibitzarnie.(A place for gossiping=kibitzing, as in watching a card-game). People were eager to hear a bit of news, so they knew already, that at Henekh the Yellow's one might get to know something besides this there were a group of card-players, they used to sit there all evening long, until midnight, and they played.
Meanwhile different conversations, which were carried on there, buzzed like a beehive. Every evening many people from other cottages used to come by that cottage. Each one would bring a bit of news from his workplace, or that which he heard from a peasant, and from this place it went to other houses. In this wise this cottage became, so to say, a sort of telegraph-agency I quite often couldn't go to bed until midnight, being exhausted after a difficult day, because my cot, just as all the other cots, was occupied by the seated kibitzers and card-players but I was a pleased as could b, that I had fallen into such a house, since besides, that I felt there as if I were in my own home, but also because of the above-mentioned good qualities, that one could become aware of what was news.
On one specific evening one of the arrivals brought a message, that peasant acquaintance had told him, that armed partisans were moving about near Lida; they ride on horses and they come into the villages in broad daylight, and fear no one
This first news about partisans made an uncanny impression on everyone. From that time on others in addition brought different news about partisans. With bated breath they listened to everything, which used to be told.
Rapidly indeed the partisans truly began to themselves heard. Nearly every day we would become aware, of what the partisans had accomplished. Here they blew-up a bridge, there they blew-up an ammunition train, that was headed for the front, or somewhere else, they tore up the telegraph wires over a whole area, or attacked Germans who were riding through on their way and killing them, taking their weapons away afterward. They swallowed all of these stories with bated breath.
A second night some came in and brought this news, that partisans had torn into the town and attacked the Germans there together with the police , killed them, took their weapons, at the same time taking Jews from the ghetto there with them into the forest they actually swallowed every word, if they did or did not believe, but they were delighted with this news, that the murderers were being repaid in part for the spilled Jewish blood.
That the Germans were truly beginning to feel the partisan activity on their skin, was soon known in the ghetto because of what, Henekh the Yellow's two daughters, who used to work in the S.S. Gendarmerie washing clothing, reported.
It was their lot frequently to wash to bloodied clothing and underwear of the S. S. Gendarmes who were brought wounded after a battle with the partisans. No day passed, in which the Gendarmes were not sent to various places, where partisans had carried-out an act of sabotage. They used to shiver like rabbits, these very heroes when they had to right to a competition with the partisans.
On one specific night the partisans blew up the electric station in the middle of the city of Lida. Afterward it appeared, that the station engineer, a Russian, together with many other workers there, after carrying-out this bit of work, all went into the forest, where the partisans were waiting for them in the appointed place. This very daring made an extraordinary impression in the ghetto, that the partisans had no fear of going into Lida, where there was a garrison of German soldiers. The Jews in the ghetto did not suffer from the darkness, because the Nazis gave the Jews in the ghetto no electrical illumination. The houses were lit by little kerosene-lamps.
The result of all these true and fantasized news reports was, that bit by bit the thought was every deeply impressed on their minds to leave the ghetto and to go into the forest and to link up with the partisans.
From then on a hot polemic went on in Henekh the Yellow's cottage concerning this question.
Two sides were created---proponents and opponents.
The proponents tried to demonstrate by logical arguments, that we now have but one alternative and that is---to go away into the forests. The opponents thereto tried to prove, that the ghetto is now safer than before and therefore we must remain in the ghetto until God will help us and the Nazis will drop dead (Einnemen a Mise Meshune in Yiddish=literally conquer a strange death)
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It needs to be emphasized here, that both from the beginning and afterward, when things started to move and people began to leave the ghetto, there had not been in the ghetto a sort of similar organization, as there was in the Vilna ghetto, the U. P. O. (United Partisan Organization), which had provided weapons for itself for an uprising and thereafter went away into the forest. Here it was quite different. Each one, who decided to go away into the forest, had first to provide himself with weapons and link up by himself, which at the onset was not one of the easiest assignments. First later, when people began coming from the forest to remove the remaining members of their families, at the same time they took along more persons, and about later there were group-leaders, who led people from the ghetto into the forest. Also the Jewish commander, Tuvioh Belski, sent emissaries into the ghetto to take Jews out.
Winter came near and now not one day elapsed, that we should not near of new partisan accomplishments. They were no longer telling made-up stories, but they were now relating facts about blown-up bridges a derailed trains, and moreover not very far from Lida, where a whole garrison of Germans was located. And with every with every new bit of information we were carried away to join up with the partisans.
On one specific before-morning, when we awoke to go to work, we became aware, that during the night Doctor Miasnik and his family disappeared from the ghetto. This doctor, a surgeon, who was popular not just in Lida, but in the whole surrounding area, because he was a very big specialist. Even the Germans considered him the best doctor in the German military hospital, where he worked and it appeared, that he was certainly secure with his life. Miasnik's disappearance from the ghetto had then, I remember, made an uncommon impression in the ghetto. This very news was the chief conversation in the houses.
There began an intensive movement to acquire weapons for oneself. In the ghetto quickly were found intermediaries, who thereby earned, a pretty penny you understand. There also opened a source for the Poles to earn big money. They already had sources from which they could get the weapons and the middlemen in the ghetto took care of every individual, that had the ability to pay the fabulous amount, such, for example, a gun, that in ghetto language was called a long-one, cost about 35 thousand rubles, a revolver (short-one) cost about 20 thousand rubles. As stated, fabulous prices, that only a very small number of people could acquire.
There were however other ways that people contrived to provide themselves with a rifle or a revolver. I know about a couple of mechanics, who secretly assembled a gun from pieces, which they collected from somewhere, and which they finished in the workshops near the ghetto. Even in the S.S. Gendarmerie itself, on Lida mechanic, Ozshekhovski, who worked at repairing the weapons in the workshops there, had assembled a gun out of parts for himself, which were lying around there, and with that very gun he went away thereafter into the forest together with his mother and brother.
Bringing the weapons into the ghetto was still a separate problem, and still another problem was finding a place in which to hide it.
Notwithstanding all of these there was another problem. There were such people, who could not contrive how to provide themselves with weapons and were simply fainting (with the desire) to go away into the forest, so they lay in ambush to detect a hidden long-one or short-one. And when they detected such a one, they simply swiped it and vanished together with it. When the owner of the weapon discovered, that he had been done justice(ironic Yiddish) he had to appear that he didn't know Such a case occurred on the same courtyard where Henkh the Yellow's cottage was found. In the cellar of the courtyard a long-one has hidden, Someone detected it and quickly vanished from the ghetto.
But notwithstanding all of this, in the ghetto quietly there went on a considerable movement to acquire weapons.
Little by little people began to disappear from the ghetto. The winter began quite early with very severe freezing-spells. And that was one of the most important reasons , why people delayed going away into the forest for later, even such, who had prepared weapons for themselves. None of them had a clue as to how one might be able to live in the forest in wintertime, From the individuals, who had already gone away to the forest, there were not yet any messages. In the ghetto itself at that time it was ostensibly peaceful at that time. The optimists in addition assisted to convince themselves and to convince others, that in the ghetto safety' was greater than before, because the Germans need the Jewish workers, and the Jewish craftsmen fulfill many needs.
This same Henkh the Yellow, with whom I lived, belonged to the same category of optimists. He worked as a turner in the workshops near he ghetto and because of this he had a good shine. He used to argue more or less in this way, when
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Came back from work to the cottage, bringing a new demonstration of his optimism:
---Today---he used to say joyously---wagons again arrived with work for the cobblers, tailors and other, and other shoptalk, that hopefully they would end it all within a year's time. Well, isn't that a sign, that the ghetto is safeAnd other time he would barge in joyously, relating with pathos, that the area-commissar himself had made a visit to the workshops and had said, that we had no cause for fear, we need only to work diligently and all would go well, that there will be no more repetition that, which had previously happened
How many times I tried to convince him that he should not be rocked asleep into such optimism and to believe that, that a Hitlerist, whose hands were dipped in Jewish blood, promises. But he did not allow himself to be convinced. Thus because of this optimism he and his family went away to Maidanek during the time of the liquidation of the ghetto. In that time, when he had such good possibilities of together with his family going away into the forest. He did not lack the money to acquire weapons for himself, and linking-up was a given. All of those came into his cottage, who later led people into the forest.
I mention the case of Henkh the Yellow with pain in my heart, because he was not the only one, who had had the possibility of going out into the forest. There were many hundreds such Henekhs, who thanks to their boundless optimism who missed this very opportunity, which did not last very long.
First Living Greeting From the Forest
Among others two brothers used to frequent Henekh the Yellow's place---Ignatz (Isaac) and Abraham Feldon. They were refugees from Lodz (Poland). As soon as Hitler began the war with Poland they ran away to Lida, where they lived until the Germans captured Lida. They had even more fortunately spared from the slaughter, on the 8th of May. The worked for an important German entity and therefore had had a good shine.
But no loking at this, Ignatz, the elder, was amongst the first, who went away into the forest. It seems to me, that even before Dr. Miasnik. The younger, Abram, remained in the ghetto. They had decided between themselves, that after he, Isaac, would have united with the partisans and therefore would know what life in the forest was like, he would return to the ghetto and them would take him out, Abraham, together with Isaac's beloved girlfriend, Mashe Shevakhovitsh.
After Isaac's departure a couple of months of impatient waiting by Isaac and Mashe elapsed. Henekh's whole family and I knew about all of this, but no one else.
This was the beginning of February, 1943. That night there was a burning frost. In the middle of the night a light tapping was heard at the window. All of us were aroused and immediately ran to the window. We thought at that moment, probably there again was some sort of trouble. The windows were covered with ice and we could see nothing. But we soon heard crying-out in Yiddish: Open the door, quicker!
I went to open the door. I see---Ignatz is here! I let him in and immediately bolted the door.
When he came into the cottage and we got a look at this garb and the revolver, which was visible at his side, we were all frightened. Ignatz sensed about what the fear was, so he soon said, that there was no cause for alarm, because he had entered through the furthest wire-fences, and no one had seen him and further no one need know, that he is here. These words calmed everyone. No one any longer was going back to bed. Since we were standing there in our underclothes, we all sat down upon the beds and Ignatz began to tell us about the partisan-life in the forest. We were so caught up in the telling, that we did not realize that dawn was breaking and everyone began to hurry to go to work. Ignatz crawled up to the attic, taking a warm quilt with him and went to sleep. On the way to work, Henenkh's daughters told Abraham and the Shekhakovitshes about Ignatzs arrival.
By the following evening all three were ready to go away. Mashe and Abraham had, naturally, also had short-ones (revolvers). We parted with them and just as no one had not seen or heard of his coming, no one saw when the three vanished into the blackness of the night.
On the morrow, after their departure, nearly the entire ghetto knew everything, and it became an open secret
Ignatz become united with Russian partisans of the otriad (Russian official partisan detachment) Iskra, and indeed that where he brought Abraham and Mashe. He had no hint, that there he would first lose his Mashe, who he loved so much. One time Mashe, together with a group of partisans, was sent on an operation and did never return.
As soon as it became known in the Lida ghetto, that there was a Jewish partisan-otriad with a Jewish
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Commander, the largest portion of those, who went away into the forest, began to draw themselves to the brothers Belski. It didn't take only and people came from Belski's otriad to take out the other family members and at the same time to take out acquaintances or neighbors. In this way, from that time on, both smaller and larger groups became to desert the ghetto. Naturally, everything took place really in secret, but the ghetto already knew about it.
Since Ignatz had appeared in our cottage and after all three departed, uneasiness took hold of me concerning the thought of departing to the forest. I could find no place for my self either at work in the kitchen or at Henekh the Yellow's cottage. The thought with me constantly but I could see no way out for myself to make it happen. I had no money with which to acquire weapons and without weapons at that time the partisans wouldn't accept you. Only the Belski brother accepted everyone without weapons, but that took place a bit later.
I had a premonition, that the disappearance of persons from the ghetto, could not long remain a secret from the German might, because all who had disappeared, had worked in German entities and the Germans of those entities would surely inquire where they had to, since their Jewish workers hadn't come to work. This was clear to everyone in the ghetto and they indeed were very afraid of the consequences.
I remind myself also of how strong battles took place between the optimists and those, who were preparing to go away into the forest. The optimists cried out waving their hands:
---Remember---they argued---you will bring a tragedy on the ghetto with your going away into the forest. We remain here. And indeed, what does it matter to you, that which might happen to us?The other side had an answer for them:
---Who is stopping you from going into the forest. Follow our example. We don't want the murders to drive us to the slaughter once again.These are the authentic words exchanged, which it was my fate to hear and which were repeated every evening in Henekh the Yellow's cottage from those who came there. Here however I must add the fact, which many of the opponents knew in their hearts, that they were not correct in their argument. They argued this way simply because they could not move themselves to leave the ghetto. A portion because, because they did not want to part with their family and they could not all go together or because of other reasons.
Indeed it did not take long, that that, which they had feared indeed came to pass.
On one certain day the area-commissar, Hanweg, sent for representatives of the Judenrat, and presented them with the question, why are Jews disappearing from the ghetto and where are they going?
The Judenrat had an appropriate excuse. They explained, that that all who have disappeared, are apparently, Vilna-natives, and since they think, that it will be better for them in the Vilna ghetto, they have possibly gone away to there.
If the area commissar accepted this very excuse, it is difficult to say. It is more apparent, that the area-commissar along with his clique had already hit upon whence the Jews were disappearing and therefrom came the consequences for the Lida ghetto.
Several days later the Judenrat received a command from the S.S. Gendarmerie, that the Judenrat must provide the names of those who had disappeared from the ghetto.
One can imagine, who sort of commotion the command evoked and what sort of fear came over everyone. The immediate effect of the command was such, that still more people went away into the forest and the Judenrat had to report on those who had disappeared. He was not even able to conceal it for more than 24 hours, because also the entities were instructed, that they must promptly report, if their Jews had not come to work.
When the area-commissar saw, that the disappearances had not diminished they he instituted further measures, in order to stop the running-away from the ghetto. He then issued a command to the Judenrat, that the ghetto was to be fenced in with a three layered high barbed-wire fence. In the command it was stated that the work has to be completed most-rapidly. Soon the barbed-wire and wooden posts were delivered and the Judenrat designated a special brigade to work on erecting the fence. On Sunday even more people were put in place, who were free of their daily work. Those, who worked at this fencing-in felt, that they were digging their own graves. The earth was frozen, and every hole, which they had to excavate in order to put a post in place came about with great difficulty. But not looking at all this, with every day the number of posts put in place grew greater and the three-layered fence encompassed a greater area of the ghetto.
This however was not all that the area-commissar managed to contrive.
Up until this time there were no White Russian police posted in the ghetto or at the gate. At the gate only a ghetto policeman was stationed: The White-Russian policy appeared after that time, when the workers returned from work, in order to be able to catch someone, who had brought foodstuffs into the ghetto. Soon, however when
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The three-layered fence was finished, the area-commissar sent a watch into the ghetto, which was composed of the members of the White-Russian Facist youth organization, which the area-commissar had created, in which were enrolled the most thoroughly corrupted of the Polish and White-Russian population. They wore uniforms of white peasant linen and hats in the shape of a goose's beak. That is why they were called white-geese in the ghetto.
These very hooligans and blood-enemies of Jews soon were the masters of the ghetto. Day and night they carried-out the watch not just at the gate, but they constantly went about in the ghetto armed with revolvers and guns. With this there was added a new trouble in addition to the troubles and fear, which they endured day after day. They heaped flaming abuse upon the ghetto and they had to be watchful at every turn.
First, it was understood, that they could no longer carry foodstuffs into the ghetto or to carry out an article of clothing to sell. Getting weapons was out of the question. They also feared because, in the future they would no longer be able to exit through the wires into the forest. Three fences is (also worse than) one.
From then on in the ghetto there was no peaceful minute. The white hooligans endeavored by any means to frighten the Jews. For no reason at all they spent entire nights firing, in order to frighten the sleeping. If is impossible to recount all of it, what sort of chicanery they carried out upon the ghetto inhabitants. There were instances, when someone left his house to attend to a need, and even if it were still before ten o'clock, that is, until which time it was permitted to move about in the ghetto, that person was shot on the threshold of the house. That was why they meant by, he went out after the permitted time. Therefore they feared to set foot out of the house as soon as it grew dim.
But how does the expression go---One need sleep on a source of trouble one night, after that it is no longer a problem. They soon became accustomed to the new situation. They finally managed to handle the white-geese and exiting from the ghetto did not decrease, it grew greater.
It is profitable to mention here in several words the police chief of the Lida ghetto. The ghetto-police did not have such a hated reputation as, for example the Vilna ghetto-police.
The last commandant of the Lida ghetto-police was called Layzer Stolitski. One of his brothers was a teacher in Vilna Jewish Real-Gymnazie. Layzer was an intelligent and modest and often I wondered about him, how could such a man take it upon himself to accept a position in the ghetto-police. He was also one of the frequenters of Henkh the Yellow's.
This very Layzer Stolitski found a way for those people, who wanted to go away into the forest, would be able to go out of the ghetto. It was this way:
When a group made ready at night to leave the ghetto, the group-leader would at that time inform Layzer Stolitski, and he would then do what was necessary. He would have bottles of whiskey prepared in the Judenrat office. He would invite the white geese for a schnaps ( shot of whiskey). Nu, refusing themselves a drink was something these hooligans could not bring themselves to do It is self-explanatory though, that Layzer Stolitski could hardly deny them another glass at the same time, they were in the bureau and were pouring themselves whiskey, a ghetto-policeman had conveyed the signal to the waiting group and the lads exited through the hindmost wire-fencing, that they had at that time done-justice-to as was proper, so that they could crawl out without leaving a trace (Layzer Stolitski had in mind to later also come into the forest, and meanwhile the liquidation of the ghetto got in the way and he shared the fate of going to Maidanek together with all the others).
About a half kilometer from the ghetto an estate called Piaroov was located. This very estate was nationalized by the Soviets after their coming to Lida, and when the Nazis came thereafter, he area-commissar Hanweg considered it to be his property. In the ghetto it was called The area-commissar's estate here ghetto Jews worked at different occupations. The partisans cast their eye at that farm and on one certain night they executed at visit they selected the very best horses and wagons and filled them with, whatever they could carry, of the very best, and then retreated into the darkness of night
When the ghetto Jews came to work at daybreak, , they encountered the steward, still shivering with fright from the fear he had experienced .
From that time on the area=commissar sent a watch of armed White-Russian policemen there.
The raid by the partisans turned out to be advantageous for both the partisans and the ghetto. The groups happened to be crossing the fields of that very farm, where later on the police were on guard.
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My Dream Suddenly Becomes Actualized
It happened in mid-March 1943. The severe winter was already ending. Outside you could smell spring in the air. On the other side of the ghetto wires the fields of winter grain were visible, which had just now been freed from the deep snow. Also upon the few trees in the ghetto buds were beginning to appear and you could feel the caress of a warm breeze. In one word: everything appeared spring-ish. But upon our souls and in our hearts it was autumn-like .
Suddenly salvation came for me.
It happened like this:
Just as soon as it became warm outside, people from the forest began to appear in the ghetto more often, who had come to take their near-ones out, thereby a contact was established between the ghetto and the forest.
Here I want to add in addition one moment.
In Lida, in the town center, there was a large garden of plants. It belonged to the area-comissariat. Here in this garden a lot of Jews worked, men and women, from the ghetto. The overseer over the workers was a Lida Jew, his name was Mones. This Mones had a cottage for himself, and he had permission from the area-commissar to live there, because he was responsible for everything that took place there. That every garden later began the place, where the majority of partisans hid out, who used to come from the forst and in the daytime could not slip into the ghetto because of the white-geese, who were on guard. There Mones' friends and acquaintances also had hidden weapons. This Mones and his wife later came to Belski's otriad and were there until the liberation.
One day Abram Feldon came from the forest to take his own people out of the ghetto. When I came at nightfall from my work in the kitchen, I found Abram in our cottage, at Henekh the Yellow's. I immediately put it to him that he should take me along into the forest. At the beginning he was hesitant, because I had no weapon, but since he knew me well from before, when he was a constant frequenter of Henekh the Yellow's, he soon agreed and told me to prepare to leave on the following night. I immediately set out to make a rucksack from a canvas sack, which Henekh's wife gave me, the house filled up with kibitzers who had come in, but now I didn't listen in to their conversations. I was absorbed in my sewing the rucksack and my thoughts already were in another world. When I went to bed late at night I couldn't fall asleep and all night long I though about tomorrow's going out of the ghetto.
At daybreak, the same as every day, I went off to work. But the work did not go well. Whatever I touched fell out of my hands. The women who peeled the potatoes, immediately observed, that something had happened to me. So I told them, that I felt not well. But to Khayim, the Yeshivah student I entrusted my secret. He gave me addied courage, that I should have faith in the Master of the Universe, and then everything would go well. I counted the minutes until the day should end.
Coming into our cottage, I encountered Abram and he related that, he already had a group of more than twenty and around twelve o'clock at night, when the signal would arrive from Layzer Stolitski, we would go out, and I should be ready.
I had already prepared a few under clothes and other necessary articles.
That evening Abram Feldson was sitting with us in our cottage. Past 12 o'clock, Layzer Stolitski's messenger ran in with the signal, that we should quickly take off .
In few seconda all were at the edge of the ghetto, at the (barbed)wire-fencings. On that night a another group went out, the leader of the second group, which consisted of more than 30 men, was a young man from Lida. He was called Laybke Ozshekovski. In the ghetto he was called Laybke der Katsap- A Yatke mit Bayner.(Russian=Laybke the Russian, A big strapping fellow) This was already the second group that he led out of the ghetto to the Belskis in the forest. Therefore together with Abram's group there were about 60 persons, that had until then departed in the course of one night.
As if for spite, that night was moonlit. It was quite bright and once could see fro a great distance. I remember how we all were angry then at the moon
When I took a look at the assembled people with the rucksacks on their shoulders, and on those, who had guns in their hands, I felt a chill in my stomach from surprise. Just think of it-----One one side the white-geese are found in the ghetto, and on the other side, on the other side of the wire, in the area-commissar's farm, that is all of a few hundred meters from the ghetto, where the White-Russian police had maintained guard, and here are standing a number of fellows with weapons ..
I had not yet started to consider thoroughly this very extraordinary picture, when Abram and Laybke the Katsap soon drew their revolvers from their pockets and took over command, announcing to us, that from now on we must submit to all their instructions. Soon thereafter they told us to
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crawl through the hole in the wires. To which they pointed. Both stood with revolvers in their hands until everyone had crawled out, and then they made the wire right. On the other side a narrow flat brook ran. They crossed the brook and immediately found themselves in the fields of the farm. And indeed immediately there was heard a loud howling of dogs. Abram and Laybke gave the word: Lads, move it.
At this point is is worthwhile to turn back to the story of the raid on the farm, which I mentioned earlier. If not for that raid on the farm, the howling of the dogs would certainly have drawn attention to the ghetto. After the raid, the police, who already at that time were guarding the farm, shivered in their skins, and made themselves unaware, or indeed were asleep.
Over the course of 3-4 hours we went from field to field, over hills and valleys until we went up upon the dirt road.
Traversing nearly half a kilometer, we encountered two partisans riding on horses, they were a reconnaissance patrol of a Russian otriad. They stopped us, questioned us as to whom we are. Our leaders explained everything to them. They wished us success and we went further along the road, it was no longer novel to our leaders to encounter partisans, but for us, who had until now only heard about partisans, the first encounter with them made a strong impression. Many were so cheered, that they began to jest , that we really need to make a SheHeKheYonNu (Prayer In Hebrew to mark an accomplishment [ for giving us life, sustaining us, and bringing to this very time]) .I, for example, only wondered about that the partisans wandered about here free as a bird, just as if the Germans weren't the masters here A bit further, when we constantly kept encountering partisans, I ceased wondering.
The leaders informed us, that we were now out of the greater danger, but they said, that we should not think, that the danger of losing our heads (getting killed) lurks here yet, at every step we take. The difference is only that, they assured us, that just as we wish to avoid encountering the Germans, similarly they are frightened of meeting the partisans especially if turned out that a small group of Germans had to ride over the roads, they (I'm not being facetious) trembled (at the prospect of) a partisan attack. Therefore they always traveled heavily armed.
Until we arrived into the forest we had encountered no Germans and also no White-Russian police.
As day began to break, that we would soon enter a large village, where we could rest and get something to eat. They gave us instructions about how we should behave in the peasant houses. During the course of the entire night we, because of the detours across the fields, we had traveled in total 12 kilometers.
The leaders informed us, that we should spread out in more houses, so that all could eat their fill. When I along with several others from our group went into a house, the entire peasant family greeted us good morning. We didn't have to ask and a large loaf of ruddy bread was put on the table along with a large pitcher of milk. Hungry we were, and we lit into the loaf of bread and the milk and gorged ourselves. In very few minutes there remained no sign of the bread and the milk the weapons in our hands, not for a second did the lads let go of them, even when they were eating. I must say, that regardless of how hungry I was, I did not get as much pleasure from the bread and milk, that gazing at the picture of how the entire peasant family was serving us, striving to display more and more helpfulness. We heard no other words from them than milenki and 'dzshenki (beloved and touching).
We weren't in this village for long. Thanking them for the food we made our way further on the dirt road in the midst of the brightness of day.
Inasmuch as Laybke the Katsap was leading his whole group to Belski's otriad, I along with several others of Abram's group united ourselves with Laybke's group and before daybreak we set off on our way.
At the very edge of the forest we encountered two intelligence patrollers who were mounted on horses, armed with rifles and revolvers. One was called Ben-Tsion Gulkovitsh and the second Khayim. I don't remember his family name. The first now has his own milk-farm in the Catskill-mountains, in Woodbourne, New York.
The base was situated deep in the forest. At this point we first felt drained of our strength. Yet we begrudged ourselves even a moment's rest, because we wished to be at the base as soon as possible. The intelligence patrollers led us directly there.
Entering the base, we immediately saw the panorama of the encampment- many cabins were spread out over a considerable area of cut-down trees. I saw Jews, men, women and children, without yellow patches
Cheerful, smiling, the like of which I did not see in the ghetto. My first impression was colossal. I am not ashamed to say, that at this moment a tear of joy rolled down my cheek
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People streamed toward us from all sides, family members, acquaintances who threw their arms around one another. People were kissing one another, embracing, crying tears of joy, that several more tens of Jews had torn themselves out of the murderous hands.
Soon the Belski brothers came up to us-Tuvioh, Eshhal Zise and the youngest, Artshik, in addition to the other members of the staff.
The commander Tuvioh Belski stood out amongst the others with his tall, broad-shouldered figure, which truly befitted his title. He wore a leather coat and a revolver at his side. You could see on his face, that he was satisfied with the new group of partisans, which had now been added to the otriad, and specifically, with the added weaponry. Soon he began to look over the weapons, inspected the hammers, to see whether they would be useful, when they would be needed you could also see on others' faces a certain disappointment, that a portion of us had come without weapons. The otriad by that time had numbered about 300 persons and weapons were in very short supply. They looked forward to every little piece of weaponry that might be added. And we suddenly heard outcries from the side: another packet of clothing has come. This critical remark was directed toward those who came without weapons. I soon sensed what it meant,--those, who have no weapons, are a burden for those, that do have them.
The weapons problem was very painful, especially at first, because many persons came without weapons. All of these persons were presented with the name clothing, such a one, who must be dragged along It was however not correct, because the clothing contributed substantial help to the general battle against the Nazi enemy, especially in the last phase of the Belski otriad's operation, which took place in the Naliboker Pustshe. Then they could clearly see, that not only were the clothing no burden, but quite opposite, indeed quite a help for the whole otriad. But the fact remains, that the Belskis accepted Jews with and without weapons, both young, and old, whoever could tear himself out of the ghetto and find his way to the otriad, even in the very difficult moments, in which the otriad found itself.
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