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[Pages 269-270]

Chapter 17: The Period of Transition to Constitutional Rule

Translated by Myra Yael Ecker

Edited by Dr. Rafael R. Manory

Annulment of the Law of equal rights in 4th March 1849 Legislation. Jewish craftsmen's problem with licences. The Jews' part in the development of Lwów's industry. The tradesmen and shopkeepers opposing the municipality. The community's administration in 1841–1854. The Torah scholar Jacob Isak Jütes successor to Jakob Ornstein. Lwów's Maskilim. Head of education, the teachers, the welfare institutions. The association “to promote agriculture among the Jews”. Hersz Zipper. The question of acquiring real–estate by Jews. Lwów community's lobbying at Vienna the Minister of the interior Agenor Gołuchowski. Establishment of a crafts' school. The question over the rabbinical seminary. Meier Münz. Activity of “Association of the resourceful the good and the honourable”. The Jews and the Galician Sejm elections 1861. Marek Dubs. The struggle against the town regulations. The Jews of Lwów and the 1863 uprising. The Jewish problem and the Galician Sejm.[1]


The nature of the civil rights granted by the 4th March 1849 Legislation was unclear to Galicia's authorities. In the absence of any statute to implement it, they continued to apply the regulations which had been in force before 1848. In particular, the authorities were unclear how to handle the Jewish–owned estates.

The opposition gathered among government circles under the influence of Minister Baron Kübeck and Archbishop Rauscher, tutor to the young Emperor. The kingdom was led by the State Council (Reichsrat), while the so called “liberal” cabinet ministers: Anton [von] Schmerling, Carl [von] Bruck and Philipp [von] Krauss resigned one by one. The Jews worried, with good reason, that the emancipation they had been granted would be revoked. The authorities believed that the issue of equal rights entered in the legislation document of 4th March 1849, had been agreed in principle, but that a specific Act was required in order to put it into practice. So long as such an Act had not been published, however, the earlier Regulation (✓) would prevail. After all, in a provision of 26th August 1849, the Minister of religious affairs Leo Graf [von] Thun, determined unequivocally, “there is a desire however that the equal rights granted by the Kaiser, should soon and in full be extended to all faiths”.

Despite this, the 4th March 1849 Legislation also underwent considerable changes by the government. On 20th August 1851, Freiherr von Kübeck and Prime Minister Prince Schwarzenberg were assigned by the Kaiser to formulate the required changes to the Legislation. Although the committee established on 4th October 1851 had proposed a means of extending equal rights to all the kingdom's citizens, irrespective of their religion, the Kaiser did not endorse its proposals,[2] but rather just the law's principle of freedom of religion and the equality of all citizens. Consequently, the question arose whether the Jews were entitled to purchase property and to pursue businesses which they had acquired prior to 31st December 1851. The 3rd March 1852 session of the council of ministers addressed the question and appointed the Minister of the Interior, Dr. [von] Bach, to prepare appropriate instructions.[3]

During the 13th November 1852 government session,[4] Dr. [von] Bach determined that according to the 4th March 1849 Act all citizens had equal rights, and that consequently all the restrictions affecting the Jews were annulled. According to the Kaiser's 31st December 1851 order, however, no conclusion had been reached regarding the Jews, which gave rise to the question of what to do in their regard – a subject which embarrassed the authorities, with inter–ministerial debates taking place, the conclusion of which would be presented to the Kaiser for approval.

The state of affairs also affected the Jews of Lwów. The craftsmen's guilds submitted complaints to the authorities about the increased number of licences granted to Jews. For instance, the watchmakers' guild approached the ministry of commerce with the demand to publish a “good law” which would disallow them licences. The governorship stated that Lwów had 11 Christian, and only two Jewish watchmakers, and that the complaint over excessive number of licences granted to Jews, was baseless. Similar complaints were submitted by all craftsmen's guilds, apart from the goldsmiths', the furriers' and the tailors'.[5]

The municipality opposed the guilds' demands, stressing that for the good of the people the 7th May 1789 Regulations determined equal rights to Jews and Christians regarding crafts. “The Jew is enterprising and very capable, and the Christian guilds' complaints are founded on jealousy and stubbornness”.[6]

In commerce the Jews held out. In 1850, the government established three offices of commerce and industry, at Brody, Krakow and Lwów, and was unable to overlook the Jews who were in control of the wholesale trade and of much of the industries. The Brody office elected as its president the renowned banker Majer

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Kallier, and at Lwów seven out of the 15 office representative were Jews (Mejer Rachmiel Mieses, O. M. Goldbaum and Marcus Dubs of Lwów; O. H. Sluzker of Bolechow; Grabscheid of Sambor [Sambir], A. Kohn of Żurawno [Zhuravno]; and Weinberg of Grodek [Horodok]).


Meier Rachmiel Mieses


The Jews played a large role in the development of Lwów's industry. With the expansion of the crops trade in eastern Galicia, Jozef Tom and Marcus Dubs constructed Galicia's first steam–powered mills.

Lwów's Jews played also a prominent role in the manufacture of agricultural products, distilled wine and liquors, chicory, oil refining and matches. Galicia's two largest wine distilleries that belonged to Fischel and Dubs, were at Lwów.

Lwów's Jews were also at the forefront of advancements in banking. Dawid and Osias Horowitz who were in contact with the Vienna Rothschild Bank, Joseph Kolischer, A. Nirenstein and Osias Mieses put money into Galicia's economy. It was Joseph Kolischer who initiated the establishment of Lwów's Mortgage Bank (1867), he and A. Nirenstein were the branch managers of the Austrian National Bank, and Osias Mieses was Lwów's branch manager of the Austrian Credit Bank for Commerce and Industry.

Jewish shopkeepers on the other hand faced quite a different reality: every time they requested a relocation licence out of the Jewish Quarter they faced a struggle with the municipality. In 1851, based on the law which had promised equal rights to all the Monarchy's citizens, two distinguished merchants moved their stores out of the Jewish Quarter, but the municipal authorities closed down their stores. The merchants appealed to the municipality and the matter was debated during the municipality's session of 13th March 1851. The municipality members who were competitor merchants, tried to avoid any plenary discussion. [Carl] von Höpflingen–Bergendorf, the mayor and advisor to the governorship, who had initiated the debate, spoke in favour of the Jews; the wholesaler Florian Singer also sided with them. A commotion broke out during the debate and the session had to be abandoned. The following day the two Jewish merchants received authorization to open their shops, but only in order to sell their existing stocks during the following three months, and they were forbidden from hanging any shop signs. The merchants appealed to the ministry, who transferred their appeal via the governorship to the municipality. This time, however, they were granted the right to remain outside the Jewish Quarter. Indeed, the rest of the Jewish traders who had moved outside the Quarter were ordered to vacate their shops by 1st November 1853. Nevertheless, the municipality approached the Christian house–owners and threatened them with fines up to 100 Florins were they to lease shops to a Jew.

Besides the issue of the houses, plots of land and estates purchased by Jews in 1848–1851, the grave question arose of overcoming the overcrowding within the Jewish Quarters where residential rent rose by 317% between 1821 and 1870, in contrast with the 85% rise in the town centre.[6] The municipality objected to the Jews' admission to the town's streets, despite the police administration's recommendation that the Jewish Quarter be abolished. Indeed, the entire matter rested on Governor Agenor Gołuchowski's attitude.

After his appointment as Governor, Gołuchowski expressed his opinion on the Jewish issue: [“]despite the fact that the Jews are cowards and greedy, it is worth noting that the abolition of taxes would inevitably drive them to side with the government. But the growing splits within the Jewish community should not ignore, and the efforts of the [Hebrew] Enlightened [Maskilim] who take care to instil education among the masses should be supported.[”]


Dr. M. Beiser


Gołuchowski backed the emancipation of the Jews. In 1851, when the government sought the opinion of the Lands' representatives on the Jews' civil and political standing, Gołuchowski replied openly

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that the Jews should be granted full emancipation. Their morals should be improved, and their abilities be put to good use in the state's economy, and their national isolation should be terminated. He noted that if a Jew could be the mayor of London, it was possible that in time a Jew might hold a similar position at Lwów. He showed interest in the communities' internal affairs and assisted the Lwów's Enlightened to control the communal activities.

The committee leading the community, elected by the regional Minister Millbacher in 1841, was made up of: Dr. Emanuel Blumenfeld

Dr. Oswald Menkes, Dawid Horowitz, Dr. Adam Barach–Rapopport, Marek Dubs, Dr. Leo Kolischer and I. A. Rosenstein. After the demise of I. A. Rosenstein in 1854, Abraham Mises and Samuel Kohn, both active in the management of “The Temple of the Enlightened”, joined the community committee.[6]

Bernhardt Pipes, who held the post of community–secretary (actuary) was replaced, after his demise during the cholera epidemic of 1855, by Dr. Ignatz Nossig (father of Dr. Alfred Nossig). The community leaders did much to improve the conditions, especially in the economic and cultural fields, and these achievements were commended by the authorities.

The situation remained unchanged till 1861, at which time new elections were held.

After the demise of Rabbi Jakob Ornstein in 1839, no new rabbi was appointed, but Rabbi Symcha Natan Ellenberg was made acting rabbi. The community was unable to elect a rabbi in accordance with the 22nd May 1820 law, which determined that the rabbi had to be elected from among graduates in philosophy and ethics from an Austrian university. Apart from Rabbi Cwi [Tzwi] Hirsch Chajes at Zolkiew, no other Orthodox rabbi fulfilled the requirement.

Lwów had indeed a suitable candidate, but one who had no desire to join the rabbinate of Galicia, and of Lwów in particular. Born at Lwów on 30th April 1816, Rabbi Jacob Isak Jütes died on 20th April 1886; he was a wealthy individual who preferred to dedicate himself entirely to the Torah. His father was a great scholar who had a collection of valuable books and received traditional and secular education, at home. Without attending school he graduated privately [externally] and passed the Lwów university's philosophy exams. He studied the Torah, was head of a Yeshivah, and published the book Ohalei Yaakov [“Jacob's Tents”] (Lwów 1848) containing argumentation and responsa on the Laws of the Torah; the book Mikruei Kodesch [“Holy Scriptures”] on the [Hebrew] Bible (Lwów 1864) and sermons which were published in Rabbi Gawryel [ben Naftali Hirz] Suchystaw's book Mazewes Kodesch [“Sacred Memorial Monument”]. He was a son–in–law of Rabbi Jehuda Samuel Rappoport, Rabbi Salomon Jehuda Rappoport's brother, with whom he corresponded. As representative of the Orthodox he was active in community life, but declined serving in the rabbinate.

Once Count [von] Thun was elected prime minister (1855), he supported the Orthodox and exempted candidates to the rabbinate from any prescribed exams, and then the Lwów community elected Rabbi Joseph Saul Nathansohn as its Rabbi. Rabbi Joseph Saul Nathansohn was backed by the Maskilim and the Enlightened who considered him an affable man, who also tolerated views contrary to his own. The Chassidim and the Orthodox supported his brother–in–law, Rabbi Mordoche–Zew Ettinger (1804–1863), a great scholar and head of the “Austrian Kollel” [Austria's advanced Judaic studies programme] in Eretz Israel, he also translated many books. Rabbi Joseph Saul Nathansohn won the election with the help of his sister Adele, who had convinced the Enlightened to vote for him.

At the same time, Dr. Szymon (Leon) Schwabacher[10] was elected preacher for the “Temple of the Enlightened”, even though Lwów had other candidates: Dr. Lazar Elias Igel (1825–1892) and Dr. Efraim Israel Bleicher of Moravia (1813–1882).


Rabbi Dr. Szymon Schwabacher


Dr. Igel, the son of the renowned bookseller Samuel Igel, graduated from the rabbinical seminary at Padua and was a student of Samuel David Luzzatto [SaDaL]. In 1849, after returning to Lwów, he was appointed as teacher of religion at the secondary–school [gymnasium], and lecturer in Semitic languages at Lwów University. In 1854 Dr. Igel left Lwów and was appointed rabbi at Czernowitz [Czerniowce]. Also Dr. Bleicher who in 1850 was appointed lecturer at the university, was unsuccessful in being accepted as preacher and left Lwów in 1856.[11]

Apart from the professional intelligentsia, medical doctors and lawyers,[12] Lwów also had circles of educated individuals, such as, Hillel Lechner, Motel Braun, pupils and friends of Rabbi Nachman Krochmal [RaNaK] who at their own expense had published “Guide for the Perplexed of the Present Age”, Jakub Bodek, A. M. Mohr, Izak Aron Rosenstein, Salomon Salman Bernard, an assistant to Joseph Csadek [Tsadek], Dubs, Abraham

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Beiser, Samuel Modlinger, Jakob Balaban,[13] Samuel Scheinblum, Mojzesz Dawid Lubich, Dawid Diamand, known for his book on Law, Aron Dornzweig, Jakub Bronik, Mojzesz Jakub Pordes, Heinrich D. Bernstein, David HaKohen Rappaport, Mejer Juda Maimon. The Maskilim took control over community life and endeavoured to steer it toward Enlightenment [Haskala] and education. The community management concentrated its efforts on the school, which had been established under the direction of Rabbi Abraham Kohn, in 1845. He was succeeded as headmaster by Dr. Bernhard Sternberg, who had previously been a teacher at Kolin (Bohemia). Dr. Sternberg expanded the curriculum and as the students' numbers rose he opened two branches and established evening classes for adults, in reading, writing and arithmetic. The education board that oversaw educational issues was made up of Dr. Barach–Rappaport, I. A. Rosenstein, and I. Kolischer.

The number of pupils at the Jewish schools rose above 1000.[14] Altogether there were eight classes in the [mixed] school for boys and girls. Apart from German, also Polish and Hebrew were taught there by experienced teaching staff such as: Akiba Lodner, Salomon Schlesinger, Leo Sekler and Michael Wolf. In addition to the community schools, two private Jewish schools were also founded.

Michael Wolf, was already offered a teaching post under Rabbi A. Kohn, in 1841. Born in 1807 at Gewitsch [Jevíčko] (Moravia), he died at Lwów in 1890. He studied at the Yeshivah of Rabbi Chaim Deutschmann at Trebitsch [Třebíč], and later at the technical colleges of Prague and Vienna. After graduating he taught at Prossnitz [Prostějov] and Lomnitz [Lomnice]. When in 1853 secondary schools and grammar schools started teaching Judaism, he was appointed teacher of religion and excelled in his method of lecturing and in his enthusiasm. In the years 1849–1857, he was also the preacher at the “The Temple of the Enlightened” where his sermons enticed the audience. Michael Wolf was also interested in social issues and prepared a plan for establishing Jewish agricultural settlements in Galicia.[15] In contrast to the settlements of poor Jews with no income, which were suggested during Joseph II's time, his plan proposed to involve wealthy Jews in those settlements and to form them primarily around the agricultural education for the young. Every community would select a boy aged 10–13 and a girl aged 8–12 and send them, at its expense, to an agricultural farm in the vicinity of Lwów for a six–years agricultural education. At the end of their studies they would have to be settled in a settlement and land allotted to them.

Wolf was also involved in publishing and writing, and he published his own textbooks. In partnership with the Christian printer Poremba he managed a printing house, and published the books of Rabbi Nachman, and Abraham Krochmal, Josef Perl, Samson Bloch, Isak Eichel, Natan Samuely, Ruben Aszer Braudes as well as the writings of Rabbi Jakob Emden against the cult of Sabbataj Cwi [Shabtai Tsvi], which had just sold out.

The abolition of the kosher meat tax caused the community difficulty in covering the schools' budget. The budget for each school amounted to 1200 Florin a year. When the school was first established the community was entitled to collect one Florin and 10 Kreuzer from every slaughtered beef cattle towards the expense of education. In 1853, the supplement was raised to one Florin and 40 Kreuzer.

The sudden abolition of the meat tax led also the rest of Austria's [Jewish] communities into grave financial embarrassment due to the inability to cover the budgets that were mainly drawn from that tax. The communities turned to the Minister of religion, Count [von] Thun, for his assistance. The rabbis also went to see him to explain the communities' financial situation. With the agreement of Treasurer Krauss, orders were issued to the affected regions –Bohemia, Moravia and Galicia– to continue collecting the tax.

During the government session of 13th February 1850,[16] the issue and discussed and it was decided to ask the regional governors for a list of rabbis and Jewish representatives in order to approach them for consultation. The consultation did not take place and the communities imposed a kosher meat supplement to cover their costs.

Lwów's community inevitably also struggled to cover the schools' costs.

The community collected an annual kosher meat tax in the sum of 3,733 Florin and 20 Kreuzer, 2,400 Florin of which were required for the maintenance of the two new schools, that with the increased number of pupils required parallel classes. The progress of the educational system at Lwów was recognised by the government, so much so that it expressed its willingness to cover the costs to support it –were the community unable to find means–so that the schools' activities should not suffer. The Ministry of Finance was even willing to increase the supplement on the kosher meat tax and also to permit the community to levy an additional tax on other goods.[17]

In 1855, for the following three years, the community was granted permission to raise the tax on slaughtered kosher meat from 1.74 to 2 Florins, on the grounds that “due to the known moral and cultural situation in which Galicia's Jews find themselves, [the community] will be unable to do enough for the youth's education”.

Besides schools the community also maintained an orphanage, a children's care home, a hospital (with 170 beds, which treated

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on average 2,300 patients annually), as well as a sanitorium for 30 people. In 1854, an “Association for financial assistance to impecunious Jewish students” was also established, to pay part of the tuition fees and the cost of books. The association was established by the first secondary schools [gymnasiums] graduates.

On 24th April 1854, the Kaiser's wedding day, the cornerstone was laid of the “workshop” for the poor, orphaned children. At the time 200 poor youths were given clothes.

In February 1851, under the influence of Rabbi Samuel Daitsch of Sambor, Majer Kallier established at Brody “The Society for the advancement of agriculture among the Jews of Galicia”. To establish a


Meier Münz


branch of the society at the time, Lwów's community leaders created a temporary committee made up of: Dr. Blumenfeld, Dr. Kolischer, Meier Rachmiel Mieses, A. M. Goldbaum, S. Kellermann, R. Rosenstein and Meier Münz,[18] but this has never materialised.

The institutions were established and maintained with bequests and houses left by a few generous individuals, and through collected donations.

Particularly active in maintaining the institutions were Laura Losch (cousin of the Jewish statesman Gabriel Riesser of Hamburg),[19] who headed the orphanage, and Hersz Zipper (1796–1858) who was the police inspector in the Jewish Quarter since 1820, and founded the orphanage the funding of which he personally took care of for the rest of his life. In 1840, he was among the founders of “The Temple of the Enlightened” and was an active committee member. After the demise of Rabbi Abraham Kohn, he communicated with Rabbi Kohn at Rausnitz [Rousínov] about his election as a rabbi at Lwów, an appointment to which he did not agree. Zipper was well known and loved by the Jews of Lwów. There was no enterprise to which he had not contributed with energy and dedication. A memorial service was held at the “Temple” after his demise on 3rd September 1858, and the poet Heinrich Bernstein published an elegiac poem[20] in his memory.

The welfare issues were numerous due to the increased numbers of the poor and needy. The main question was how to centralise all the charitable activities. In 1854, Dr. Dawid Diamand (the father of Dr. Jakob Diamand) submitted a memorandum to the governorship,[21] suggesting that a charitable company be established at Lwów to sustain a Jewish fund for the poor that would maintain the charitable institutions, workplaces and crafts schools. It is not known whether the governorship took account of that comprehensive project. The conditions were not yet ripe for the execution of such a project.

The community took also care of the young children's religious Torah education, and at that time it also purchased a plot of land, for a new cemetery, on which L. Wixel built a synagogue for 6,000 Florin, at his own expense.

In the summer of 1855, a cholera epidemic broke out, gravely affecting Lwów's Jewish population. Among the renowned personalities who succumbed to that epidemic were: the writer Jakob Bodek, the physician A. Gussman, the teachers Salomon Singer and Leo Sekler as well as the community secretary Bernhard Pipes. Among the cholera victims was also Magdalena Kohn the widow of Rabbi Abraham Kohn.[22] The community was charged with taking care of the large number of widows and orphans who were left with no livelihood. To this end, the community spend 6,000 Florin, in 1857 alone.

One of the political issues that occupied the community, was the right of owning real estate. In 1851, the Ministry of the Interior adopted a principled position, that with the declaration of equal rights to all religions, all the limitations that had applied to the Jews, were abolished, as the limitations arose from regulations which had been revoked.[23] The Supreme Court's judgements of 19.10. 1852, 23.2.1853 and 19.4.1853, also determined that Jews were entitled to own land and houses even in states where they had previously been barred from purchasing land, plots and houses, from Christians. The 4th March 1849 abolition of the basic laws, brought to an end any renewal of these restrictions.


The Community Leader Dr. Emanuel Blumenfeldz


Dr. [von] Bach, Minister of the Interior, Carl [von] Krauss Minister of Justice and [von] Bruck, Minister of Finance raised the matter for discussion, as mentioned previously, and because the government had not arrived at a

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clear decision, on 2.10.1853, the Emperor ordered that until such time as no conclusive decision on all Jewish matters had been reached, in issues of property ownership (besitzfähigkeit), each state should continue with

the regulations that applied to the Jews prior to 1848.[25] This directive caused great confusion among the authorities' circles, most of whom believed that, politically too, the Jews should be treated according to the laws prior to 1848. The issue forced the Minister of the Interior, Dr. Bach, to send an explicit instruction on 7th November 1853, that the provisions in the 2.10.1853 decree applied only to property and real estate.

Throughout Galicia, excluding the Krakow district, only 46 farms had been purchased by Jews till 1848; from 1848 till October 1853, 1,389 land purchases from Christians took place, a third of which were farms.[26]

The decree spread fear among Austrian Jews. Joseph Wertheimer, Vienna's Jewish community leader, published a pamphlet on “The status of Austrian Jewry”, in which he sharply protested the humiliation of Austria's 800,000 Jews.

Covertly, Vienna's community incited the communities throughout the kingdom to submit petitions to the Kaiser against the provision of that decree. The government was made aware of that action and immediately dispatched instructions to all the commissioners and district leaders to look out for that activity and consider it illegal. The authorities were ordered to guard and immediately report when community leaders set out to Vienna.[27]

Dawid Horowitz, a member of Lwów's community committee, was in Vienna at the time, attending to his business with the Rothschilds there. When he heard the proposal from Vienna's community, he immediately sent a letter to the community–elder, Dr. Menkes, in which he stressed the urgency of preparing a petition from Lwów's community, which should point out the special situation of Galicia, and should be delivered to the Kaiser by two messengers, Dr. Blumenfeld and Rachmiel Mieses. Horowitz instructed also to include in the petition statistical data, to show that in the previous five years few plots of land and farms have been purchased by Jews. Dr. Menkes replied that the community leadership had discussed the issue in depth and that Dr. Blumenfeld and Mieses were unwilling to go to Vienna. He added that he had spoken with Governor Gołuchowski who was uncomfortable with the action, and advised against sending empowered representatives to Vienna. Gołuchowski threatened that any empowered representatives who reached Vienna would immediately be expelled, even though he conceded that the community was entitled to submit petitions to the Kaiser. The Governor said that he would inform Vienna's higher police of the matter. After he met the Governor, the community council convened and decided to ask Horowitz, as he was unwilling to deliver the petition alone, whether he would be willing to do so together with two board members whom he would pick. Horowitz replied that he was unable to undertake the mission due to urgent business which called him to Köln.

On 21st October 1853, Governor Gołuchowski submitted to the Vienna authorities a detailed report of his conversation with Dr. Menkes. He also reported that Lwów's community had decided to forgo the submission of a petition, and to task Dr. Blumenfeld and Rachmiel Mieses who were travelling to Vienna for personal reasons, to contact the Vienna community and to report the results of the negotiation. Governor Gołuchowski drew Vienna police's attention to the need for keeping an eye on Mieses and Dr. Blumenfeld's moves.

The Vienna police made preparations to keep an eye on Dr. Blumenfeld and Mieses. It also summoned Dawid Horowitz for investigation; he informed them of the contents of his message to Lwów. He declared that in his opinion the petition would be sent by post, or the matter would be dropped altogether. Horowitz's assumption proved to be correct, as he was familiar with his friends and knew that they would not dare go against the Governor's wishes.

Indeed, Lwów's community did not send its representatives but posted its petition instead, while requesting to annul the regulations that restricted the Jews' right to property ownership. All the efforts were in vain. The restrictions were retained, and with them all the other pre–1848 restrictions were revived. The leasing of estates and land in villages, and of exempt farms faced no objections since Clause 34 of the 7th May 1789 regulations for Jews had permitted it, in addition to which and in conjunction with their estates, Jews were granted the right to lease in the provinces, and the right to mill.

The prohibition to purchase houses from Christians in Lwów proper, had greatly harmed the Jews however. The municipality and the governorship refused permission to expand the Jewish Quarter beyond its existing boundaries.[28]

The municipality's prohibition for Jewish bakers to keep market stalls outside the Jewish Quarter, in accordance with the pre–1848 regulation, led to grave economic damage. The community appealed, but the governorship objected, agreeing instead with the municipality under the assumption that lifting of the prohibition would harm the Christian bakers, and that Jewish sellers would affect the cleanliness of the non–Jewish areas.[29]

The municipality did not allow Jewish traders to keep shops in non–Jewish quarters. This issue also led to dispute between the Minister of the Interior Dr. Bach and the Lwów governorship. Bach held the view

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that it was undesirable to sustain the dirty Jewish Quarters which held back their moral development, and exacerbated the hatred between Jews and Christians. Lwów's increased Jewish population was not to be ignored either, and sanitation was another reason for a larger Jewish Quarter.[30]

Governor Gołuchowski retorted that the Kaiser's decree forbidding the purchase of property outside the Jewish Quarter was still in effect, and that only special cases could be treated as exceptions.[31] In fact, Galicia's Governorship decided to maintain the Jewish Quarter.

On a different fundamental issue Governor Gołuchowski also followed the existing law:

The municipality demanded compensation from the community for the new Jewish cemetery land. On 31.3.1856, the community appealed the claim arguing that the Jews made up one third of Lwów's population, and that as tax payers they participated in the maintenance of all municipal property, and that it was dishonest to demand compensation for land which belonged to the whole town and its citizens. Nevertheless, based on clause 22, of the 7th May 1789 regulation regarding the Jews, Governor Gołuchowski determined that the community was liable for all costs associated with constructing the cemetery. Indeed, the municipality was not entitled to offer of its land without compensation, be it to an individual or the public. The claim that Jews shared in the municipal property was dismissed since the community was not united with the town but was managed independently and charged payment for the graves without sharing its income with the municipality.[32]

In 1858 and 1859 Lwów's community submitted memorandums, via Governor Gołuchowski, to the central government and the Kaiser about the restrictions on the right of property ownership,[33] the difficulties regarding marriage licences and the other severities which affected [their] economic life, and requested to have them annulled. During meetings of community representatives with the Governor, they again repeated the need and demanded to alter the legal status of the Jews.

Governor Gołuchowski was himself interested in supporting the Jewish Maskilim Circles. On 21st August 1859, when the community representatives congratulated him on the occasion of his appointment as Minister of the Interior, he asked to receive a memorandum and proposals on how to distinguish legally between Enlightened Jews dressed in European outfits, and the rest who wore traditional Jewish–Polish clothes.

On 28th October 1859, the community–committee submitted a comprehensive memorandum signed by Dr. Kolischer, Dr. Barach–Rappaport, M. Dubs and I. L. Kolischer.[34] It opened by stressing that it was advisable to grant all of the Jews of Austria, Galicia included, full equal rights similar to those granted to the non–Jewish population, without fear of customs, dress or education. The memorandum's authors refuted all of the authorities' and the Christian population's concerns, and pointed out that in other countries Jews on similar cultural level of Galician Jews also faced emancipation, and that only by putting them on a par with the rest of the population were they able to advance and evolve culturally and educationally. There was thus no reason to consider the Jews of Galicia, or some of them, unworthy of emancipation. The poverty, legal and political inequality, and the harsh conditions to which a large number of Galicia's Jews were subjected, were the principal stumbling blocks holding back their development, and granting them emancipation and annulling all existing restrictions would doubtlessly transform their lives and speed up the process of their progress. Consequently, one should not accept equal rights for the Maskilim alone, but rather, emancipation should be granted to all sections of the Jewish community. The memorandum delineated the complex limitations imposed on all economic life of the Jews, and the harm those limitations brought not only on the Jews but also on the Kingdom. The proposals stressed that to raise the cultural standing, schools similar to Lwów's Jewish community school, fully paid for or subsidised by the government, should be created. Preferably, they should be funded from the 1806 Jewish elementary schools' fund of 132,460 Gulden in banknotes, and 126,628 Gulden in government bonds (Obligations) which were transferred to the general schools, in 1806.

An effective means to advance the cultural status seemed the electing of educated individuals to the communal committees. The large number of uneducated community–elders was hindering cultural progress. As to the Jewish traditional dress, only education and reasoned propaganda would lead to positive results.

The memorandum expressed the hope of Lwów's elders that in his new role as Minister of the Interior, Governor Gołuchowski would successfully employ his talent, wisdom and humanitarian outlook, to promote the full emancipation of all Austrian Jews.

Lwów community's memorandums have probably influenced Governor Gołuchowski. Immediately he took up his role of Minister of the Interior, Goluchowski tried to change the legal status of the Jews. At the council of ministers he recommended to annul the restrictive property ownership as well as the other restrictions. In his 11th January 1860 presentation,[35] in the presence of the Kaiser, Gołuchowski delivered

[Pages 283-284]

a comprehensive survey of the legal status and of the opinion, of the governorship in every individual state. In line with his proposals and by the Kaiser's order of 13th January 1860, restrictions were lifted in certain economic industries, in apothecary, as well as on the prohibition to settle in the villages of Galicia and Bukowina. The restrictions on Lwów's residency were not yet annulled because they had not been put forward by the governorship.

In December 1859, the council of ministers debated the annulment of restrictions on the right of property ownership. The Minister of Finance Freiherr von Bruck (1798–1860) proposed that they be annulled in consideration of the Kingdom's financial situation, as these restrictions prevented the Jews' participation in Austria's financial affairs thus affecting the public credit. All the ministers agreed with him except for the Minister of Religion, Thun, and the Minister of the Interior, Gołuchowski who recommended that the restrictions in the districts of Styria, Carinthia and Carniola be maintained. In Galicia he proposed to exempt from limitations only certain categories, such as: 1. graduates secondary, and higher education; 2. holders of nobility titles; 3. officers; 4. franchisee wholesale traders and industrialists.

Despite the objection of most ministers to the Minister of the Interior's proposal, the Kaiser accepted his view, with mitigating changes,[36] and the decree annulling the restriction on the acquisition of property was issued on 18th February1860. Having met the legal conditions, the Jews of Lwów have soon approached the authorities with requests for licences to purchase building plots, houses, land and even estates. From among the requests only 41 were approved.[37]

In the years 1860–1861:

1. Ignaz Lewkowicz, a wealthy wholesaler, active member on the “Temple” committee, licence to acquire estates. (1) 2. Emanuel Kohn, house owner and community elder. 3. Israel Schütz, surgeon. 4. Samuel Klärmann, merchant and censor for the Austrian National Bank, commercial expert, founder member of the Temple, son–in–law of Meier Rachmiel Mieses, community–elder. 5. Scheine Mendrichowitz. 6. Perle Mendrichowitz. 7. Meier Rachmiel Mieses, a leading Maskil, member of the municipality, a banks' and commercial institutions' management staff member since 1840. 8. Mendel Szochet, served with the armed forces, clerk. 9. Osias M. Braun, branch censor for the National Bank, member of the chamber of commerce and industry. 10. Hermann Landes, restaurant owner. 11. Hirsch Mieses. 12. Aron Philipp, completed school education and passed the commerce and accountancy examinations. 13. Szalom Sanicki merchant. 14. Manis Rappoport.

In the years 1862–1866:

15. Salomon Haber. 16. Marcus Dubs, owner of houses, member of the municipality. (Lwów's police objected to granting his request “since Dubs had published books in Polish, and participated in the Polish committee's consultations during the Galician Sejm elections (1861), as a Sejm delegate he occupied a seat on the left side and voted with the Left, he wears Polish outfits and supports the Polish National Movement”. The Vienna ministry rejected the police opinion since “ there is no negative information about him”). 17. M. Ber Kotzel. 18. Osias Mieses, wholesaler, branch manager of “The Credit Bank” and an administrator of the railways named after Carl Ludwig; member of the municipality. 19. Samuel Gall, owner of houses. 20. Emanuel Rotter. 21. D. Kohn. 22. L. H. Mett, in 1844 he still prepared for his secondary school examination to which the Governorship objected due to his age. 23. S. Fuch. 24. N. Tepfer, served in the armed forces, held a residence and a restaurant licence outside the Jewish Quarter. 25. S. Mehler, lessee of an estate, wore European clothes. 26. Rachmiel Horowitz, branch censor for the “Austrian National Bank”. 27. Landes, merchant. 28. L. Hirer. 29. S. Wahl, supplier to the armed forces. 30. S. Goldberg. 31. A. Nierenstein, “The National Bank” branch manager, member of the department of commerce and industry, municipality member. 32. M. Rosenfeld, a discharged soldier, a restaurant owner. 33. Klinghoffer, a non–believer. 34. K. Rapopport. 35. Goldstaub, builder. 36. Schnitzer, military supplier, member of the community committee. 37. Bernhard Czop, money changer and builder. 38. Sigmund Moritz Steiff, a wholesale shop owner. 39. Mojzesz Hescheles, government supplier, contractor and a member of the municipality. 40. Penzias. 41. Losch.

According to the regulation of the Jews of 7th May 1789, Jews were “members of the community” (Gemeinde), but devoid of the citizens' rights granted to the community's Christian members. According to the amendment of 14th July 1847, Jewish house owners in all of Galicia's towns were entitled to acquire citizen's rights, subject to the municipality's ruling, but in fact Jews were not granted citizen's rights. Joseph Kolischer, the branch manager of “the National Bank”, was the first Jew to be granted citizen's rights at Lwów in 1866.

Nevertheless, although Jews had no citizen's rights, Lwów's Jews enjoyed the right to vote ever since 1848.


Dr. Jakob Rappaport


The community and the merchants objected to maintaining Lwów's Jewish Quarter, which they considered a negation of the Law, and they demanded its total abolition.[38]

Lwów's municipality issued strict instructions for the Jews to vacate the houses in the non–Jewish Quarters to which they had moved without the municipality's permission, and those refusing to vacate were to be punished in accordance with the Law.

The community's memorandums of 1864 obliged Galicia's governorship to deal with the conditions of habitation in the Jewish Quarter which had greatly worsened

[Pages 285-286]

due to congestion and to the danger from collapse of the old dilapidated houses, some of which had collapsed in 1863.

The municipality deferred the issue until the new municipal regulations were accepted. The governorship realized that the situation was unacceptable, but found no solution because the officers held diverse opinions about the issue. The minority recommended to demolish the Jewish Quarter while the Poles, hoping to attract the Jews to their political national cause, demonstrably approved of equal rights. As they preferred the issue to be neither offered nor decided by the higher authorities but rather by the municipal body, they proposed waiting till the new municipal regulations had been accepted.[39]

Although Governor Mensdorff recommended that things be speeded up due to the congestion in the Jewish Quarter, the authorities refrained from executing anything that countered the Polish public opinion, they decided to keep the Jewish Quarter as it was but allowed educated Jews to move to non–Jewish quarters. Among the first Jews permitted to settle in a non–Jewish quarter were Meier Rachmiel Mieses, Hermann Mieses and Osias M. Goldhaber, member of the municipality. In its decision the Governorship stressed that the time had not yet come to open the Christian quarters to the Jewish masses “who differ from the race (Stammesgenossen) in the rest of the Austrian states.[40] The Governorship stopped removing Jews who had moved to areas outside the [Jewish] Quarter, without authorisations.

Consequently, those Jews whom the authorities considered uneducated were forced to remain in the few overcrowded narrow streets and old houses of the Jewish Quarter for several years yet.



The community faced the difficulty of organising elections for a new community committee.

No elections had taken place since 1840. Among the community elders appointed by the authorities, four had died, Dr. Barach Rappaport, Izak Kolischer, Samuel Kohn and Dr. Leo Kolischer whose death (3.3.1860) was a heavy loss.

Dr. Leo Kolischer (1792–1860) completed his studies as Doctor of Philosophy at Vienna University and returned to Lwów. A very wealthy man, he dedicated himself to public service, he headed the education committee and due to his boundless activities, he was known among the Jewish community as “Lwów's Josef Perl”. He was one of the pillars of the Enlightenment movement.

Without a majority in the committee it became necessary to turn to the authorities for permission to call new elections. The community relied on the population growth since 1840. The Governorship consented to the request and ruled that all house owners and those who paid the community tax, were eligible to vote.[41] As the question of establishing a rabbinical seminary in Galicia was on the agenda at the time, the authorities were keen to have a full and qualified committee at the head of community.

As mentioned previously, Marek (Mordechai) Bernstein of Brody had already proposed in 1828 that a rabbinical seminary be established in Galicia. Nothing came of it as the Lwów community, led by the Orthodox, objected to it.

Marek Bernstein gave up his design to pay for establishing a rabbinical seminary, and left all his wealth for the construction of a crafts school in order to teach crafts to Jewish youths. Construction started in 1865. The fund was established in 1864.

Twenty years later, in 1884, the fund amounted to 75,000 Florins. The profits paid for 20–25 apprentices' maintenance and study fees with craftsmen and in workshops, at 600–800 Florins annually. After they had graduated, the apprentices were given clothes and a a sum of money. The fund spent on such causes between 1,000 and 1,500 Florins annually. There was also a preparatory crafts school with two classes which followed the elementary schools' curriculum. The classes took place in the evenings after the apprentices had finished their work at the workshops. They learned Polish, German, arithmetic, geography, physics, nature studies, draughtsmanship as well as religious studies and Hebrew.

In the years 1880–1900, the institute was managed by the board of directors led by Rabbi Bernard Löwenstein and after his death by Dr. Emil Byk. The board of directors included the community representatives, the craftsmen and the headmaster of the Jewish school.

In 1878, Dr. Teofil Gerstmann was the headmaster and among the teaching staff were Joseph Ahl, Bernard Bachus, Władysław

Kłapkowski, Hipolit Parasiewicz, Nehemiasz Landes, Izydor Planer, Natan Rifczes and Herman Rosenthal.

Of the 144 apprentices who were raised on the “Bernstein fund” during 1865–1885, those who finished their training included: 23 tailors, 6 shoemakers, 26 locksmiths, 13 carpenters, 9 tinsmiths, 11 engravers, 2 blacksmiths, 3 typesetters, 8 watchmakers, 3 bookbinders, 5 goldsmiths, 1 weaver, 13 signwriters, 1 wagoner, 3 saddlers, 2 painters (whitewash), 1 suitcase maker, 2 millers, 1 upholsterer, 134 apprentices all together.[42]

* *

The question of the rabbinical seminary arose in conjunction with the war–fine monies imposed in Hungary by General [von] Haynau, in 1849. In 1856, the government decided

[Pages 287-288]

to use part of the monies to establish a rabbinical seminary at Vienna.

The central government considered the issue during the days of Josef Perl, whose memorandums noted the importance of such an institution –modelled on the Padua seminary– to spread education among the youth and the Jewish population of Galicia.

Once the government council approved the rabbinical seminary, the Minister of the Interior, Gułochowski, gained the Kaiser's approval in the matter and on 21st February 1861 the government issued an ordinance to establish an accredited rabbinical seminary with public rights, and were the national sources not to suffice, it would be paid for by funds set aside for Jewish schools which supplemented the Catholic fund. Consequently, a decree was issued to separate from it the Jewish fund, to be dedicated to the needs of Jewish schools, from 1st November 1862.

It was stressed that the negotiation regarding the erection of the rabbinical seminary would proceed in such a fashion that it would be operational in the upcoming academic year. In the intervening period the candidates would have to present secondary school [gymnasium] qualification certificates.

The Austrian regime underwent great changes after the defeat in the Italian war (1859), including political and civil freedom to the Jews. The 29th November, 20th December 1859 and 10th January 1860 rules, abolished the restrictions on marriage, on craft and trade employment, on testimony collection, stressing the liberal spirit with which the government intended to approach its policy regarding the Jews. Unlike Miniter [von] Bach who aimed to centralise power, the Vienna Prime Minister Agenor Gołuchowski (20th October 1859 – 15th December 1860), wished to form a federation in order to stabilize Austrian politics. His approach attracted the Poles, the Hungarians and the Czechs but he failed due to the stance of the Germans and the Imperial–Court circles, and a few months later he resigned to be replaced by the liberal statesman Schmerling who favoured a wholly centralised regime with a so–called liberal spirit.

The government believed that it would gain the approval of all Jewish circles, and the Orthodox in general, for the project to construct a rabbinical seminary. They were gravely mistaken, however, since on the initiative of Rabbi Szymon Schreiber who was elected Krakow's Rabbi in 1861, the Orthodox started a counteraction, and succeeded. The Enlightened objected to the proposal to model the school on the Pressburg [Bratislava] Yeshivah, as they doubted that it would fulfill its purpose to their satisfaction.

In December 1862, the Governorship appointed a special committee led by privy councillor P. Wukassovich. The appointed committee members were expert clerks, and the Jews appointed Rabbi Kristianpoller of Brody, Majer Kallier of Brody, Perl (the son of Josef Perl) of Tarnopol, leaders from Lwów and representatives from several communities.

After lengthy negotiations and discussions with representatives from all the parties, the Governorship had reached the conclusion that the Jews did not approve of the project. And that, since they were split religiously and by sect, and were worried that establishing the school would thwart their aspirations. Consequently, the Governorship decided to defer the execution of the project indefinitely, and to wait with submitting the proposal until after the 16th November 1867 account by the director of the ministry of religion and education had been submitted for the Kaiser's approval.[43]

The rabbinical seminary was therefore not constructed at the time, nor any time later.

During the period in which Count Leo Thun–Hohenstein (1849–1860) was minister of education and religion, the Orthodox managed to divert his opinion to their cause to form a “separation of the God–fearing”

(Trennungs–orthodoxie) in Austria. Isak Daitsch[44] drove events forward with his memorandums in which he informed on, and slandered the Enlightened as dangerous revolutionaries, and described the Orthodox as “the Emperor's most loyal servants, who opposed every revolutionary and liberal party”. Count Leo Thun who had formed an alliance (concordat) with the Vatican, hoped also to form a “concordat” with the Jews, thus thwarting the intrusion of any liberalism among the Jews. For that reason he even agreed to prohibit, by law, the opening of Jewish shops on the Sabbath, and to extend the authority and the jurisdiction of the rabbis.

Accordingly, Count Thun agreed to acknowledge the Pressburg Yeshivah as a rabbinical seminary with public rights. During the 7th June 1860 cabinet session,[45] he proposed to establish in Galicia a school similar to the Pressburg Yeshivah, and to forgo the demand for secondary school and philosophy certificates from candidates for the rabbinate. The Minister of the Interior Gołuchowski concurred with his proposal, which was accepted by a large majority, and which the Kaiser confirmed on 4th July 1860.[46] Based on his acceptance, the statute was issued on 21st February 1861.

On 15th December 1860 Anton [von] Schmerling (1805–1893), known for his liberal views, was appointed Prime Minister. Despite the changes he had introduced on the religious and educational front, the favourable view of the Orthodox over the Enlightened remained in place; however, due to the impression that they presented no risk of “revolutionary intention” of which the educated [Maskilim] were suspected. That political stance was maintained till 1868.

The legislations of October 1859 and February 1860 stimulated political life. Parties were formed in Galicia, with a stance on

[Pages 289-290]

Galician politics and in particular on the Jewish issue. Those politicians who upheld the 1848 principles, such as Smolka and Ziemiałkowski, naturally favoured Jewish emancipation – so that they might assimilate and reinforce the Polish people. Podolia's conservative nobility opposed the emancipation. The Ruthenians took an anti–Jewish stand too, fearing that equal rights would tip the balance in favour of the Poles and Jews, who would subsequently occupy Galicia's major economic posts.

At the time an anti–Jewish struggle emerged at Warsaw, with the Galician Polish press as well as democratic writers such as the historian Henryk Schmitt[47] also objecting to Jewish emancipation. At Lwów the debate among the Jews was represented by Meier Münz who had published in German the booklet: “Lelewel Kämpfer für Recht und Wahrheit und die Judenfrage [Lelewel, fighter for law and truth and the Jewish question]” (Lemberg 1860), in which he attacked Henryk Schmitt and the Poles for opposing equal rights for the Jews. Meier Münz who distanced himself from the Orthodox after the poisoning of Rabbi Abraham Kohn, played an influential role among the Jewish intelligentsia. Galicia's Jews were just entering a period of serious conflict: the Chassidim and the Orthodox who considered emancipation a danger to Jewish existence, resisted all attempts to change the way of life of the Jewish masses in schools, or changes to the structure of the communities. The rabbis and leaders of the Orthodox objected to the establishment of any rabbinical seminaries. At the time, the best of Lwów's Jewish intelligentsia formed an “Association for the seekers of resourcefulness, the good and the honourable” or in German, “Verein für Bildung und Geselligkeit”, which aimed to spread education, awaken its members' interest in affairs of the Jewish community and cultivate social lives. Its home at 21 Sykstuska Street,[48] was a kind of “Jewish Casino” where physicians, lawyers and Maskilim gathered for lectures, conversations and discussions. As the association showed no sign of Polonisation, the Poles considered it an organ for the Germanisation of Galician Jews. The Polish immigrants at Paris also turned to “the Polish–Jews” with a call to attack the association and boycott it as an anti–Polish institution.

Dr. Jan Fried, Dr. Henryk Gottlieb, Dr. Filip Mansch and Dr. Braun who led the association, turned it into a cultural centre. Among its members and lecturers were the poet Dr. Henryk Gottlieb,[49] the Hebrew poet Jakob–Zwi Sperling,[50] Abraham Krochmal (son of Rabbi Nachman Krochmal), Marek Dubs, Dr. Estroger, Rabbi Bernhard Löwenstein, David Rappaport,[51] Samuel Modlinger.[52]

The association was actively involved in investigating the problems facing Lwów's community, and it published a special pamphlet on the community's taxes (Die besteuerungs frage der Israelitischen Kultusgemeinde in Lemberg, 1863, p.31). It objected to the introduction of a Simple tax, suggesting instead to collect a kosher meat tax, two Gulden per oxen, which would bring an annual income of 12,000 Gulden (rather than 8,000 Gulden). They proposed to elect a five members' evaluation committee to assess, by area, those who owed tax according to reports from trustees' committees. According to their proposal, the community would annually publish accounts of income and expenditure.

In respect of Galicia's political issues, there was a difference of opinion among the Intelligentsia. Unlike the enlightened Jews of Krakow and their leaders Dr. Öttinger, Henryk Markusfeld and Abraham Gumplowicz, who supported the Poles, most of Lwów's Jewish intelligentsia favoured the Austrian centralised system and supported the “Party of the Constitution” (Verfassungspartei), with only a minority led by Marek Dubs, supporting the Poles. In respect of Jewish issues, the entire intelligentsia whose ambition was to retain the community's leadership and realise its educational and cultural programme, faced a difficult struggle with the Orthodox.

The Enlightened, who disapproved of the government's plan to establish a scholastic institute for rabbis, which they considered an Orthodox institute, aspired instead to a rabbinical seminary similar to the one at Breslau [Wroclaw].

Due to their disputes with the Orthodox, the Maskilim's standing declined to such an extent that in the May 1862 community committee's election, representatives of the Orthodox and of the moderates were also elected. The elected were Dr. Max Landesberger, Meier Rachmiel Mieses, Meier Münz, S. Kohn, Salomon Kellermann, Rachmiel Ornstein, Dr. Osias Hönigsmann and Marek Dubs.[53] Mejer Rachmiel Mieses was elected community chairman of the community council.

Based on the 26th February 1861 legislation, which redefined the “National Councils” (Sejms) as authoritative over National issues, elections to the Galician Sejm were set for 15th April 1861. The Jews were however denied the right to vote. With Lwów's community led by the Enlightened at the time, its representatives were astonished and immediately gathered the representatives from Eastern Galicia's communities for consultation. Following the conference's decision, a delegation set out to Vienna for negotiation with the government, in contrast with the Krakow community whose representatives joined the Polish delegation. The Jewish delegation succeeded in lobbying [von] Schmerling

[Pages 291-292]

to accept the 1st March 1861 decree, which had granted Jews the right to vote.

The dispute over voting deepened among Lwów's Jews. Meier Münz, who was proposed by the Enlightened who followed centralisation, refused to support the Poles due to the Warsaw Lesznowski affair. The Enlightened who supported the Poles, on the other hand, put forward Marek Dubs. During [chol ha'moed] Passover, a voters' meeting was held at the “Temple for the Enlightened” in which Ziemiałkowski and Dubs spoke. Ziemiałkowski declared that the Jews' problem was a Polish issue and that he wished the Jews considered Poland their homeland, would integrate with the Poles and would be just like them.[54]

Münz lost, and Dubs was elected.

Among the 141 delegates elected to the first Galician Sejm 1861–1867, four Jews were selected from the whole of Galicia: Dr. Szymon Samelsohn from Krakow; Majer Kallier from Brody; Dr. Lazar Dubs from Kolomyia, who was replaced after his demise in 1865, by Dr. Maximilian Landesberger, a Lwów solicitor; and Marek Dubs from Lwów. Lwów's chamber of commerce and industry did not elect a Jew, but rather, the liberal Christian J. Breyer.

Marek (Mordechai) Dubs (1801–1874) who was born at Lwów, inherited a liquor factory, which he enlarged and held a prominent position in the Galician economy. In 1848 he became politically active and sided with the Poles, he was elected member of the municipality and remained so until 1870, he was also member of the Community Council. In 1850 he was elected member of Lwów's chamber of commerce and industry.

He was one of the earliest Maskilim who published his writings in Polish, and joined the Polish press. His book: Historya narodu Synajskiego w polsce [“History of the Sinaiticus nation in Poland”] made an impression at the time. He also published articles on the agricultural economy and the currency problems. Apart from his knowledge of rabbinical literature and Jewish wisdom, he also excelled in general education and was one of the renowned speakers in Polish and German. He was one of Abraham Krochmal's close friends, and supported Hebrew writers. He himself published articles in Kerem Chemed, in Otzar Nechmad and in HeChaluts published by Osias Heschel Schorr, and in Sede Zofim, a collection dedicated to Jewish wisdom, edited by Michael Wolf, published at Lwów (1860). He also exchanged letters with Samuel David Luzzatto. He played a very significant role in the Galician Sejm, defending Jewish interests.

The Jewish Sejm delegates represented in fact a tight circle of the Jewish intelligentsia, who sympathised with Polish assimilation, except for Majer Kallier who was inclined towards German assimilation and supported the Vienna–centralised government. In respect of all general issues, Marek Dubs, Dr. Lazar Dubs, Dr. Landesberger and Dr. Samelsohn supported the Polish national demands.

At the opening of the 26th April 1861 session, Dr. Samelsohn, Marek Dubs and Majer Kallier submitted the proposal for full equal rights to all Galician Jews. The same was also submitted to the Sejm's presidency by Florian Ziemiałkowski, but neither proposal made it to the discussion agenda.

The second session opened on 12th January 1863, and closed immediately due to the outbreak of the Polish uprising. It was only on 23rd November 1865 that the third session opened and lasted till 28.4.1866, and it was the fourth session, which ran from 29th November 1866 until 31st December 1866, in which the Jewish question was discussed.

The Jewish question was also debated by the town Council in conjunction with the new municipal regulations. Until 1861, 15 Jewish municipality members and five deputies, represented the Jews in Lwów's municipality. Among the Jewish representatives who distinguished themselves in their achievements at the municipality and in defending Jewish affairs during 1848–1861, were, Meier Münz, Meier Rachmiel Mieses, Osias Mieses, Salomon Kellermann, Osias Nirnstein, Dr. Hönigsmann, Dr. Landesberger, Kolischer and Marek Dubs.

In 1861, the government authorised new elections to the municipality. The above–mentioned members were again elected to represent the Jews. The municipality set out to prepare new municipal regulations, and the majority of the councilmen wanted to maintain the restriction on the number of Jewish representative which was 15, and to establish that all the municipal property belonged solely to the Christian population. The Jews' representatives objected to those proposals but were only supported by a small number of Polish Liberals such as Miecislaus Darowski, Robert Hefern, Stanisłaus Piłat, Zygmunt Rudkowski, and Florian Ziemiałkowski. The stance taken by the Polish majority drove the Jewish representatives out from the town council.

Due to the 1861–1863 events –the Polish uprising in Congress Poland– the regulation was not confirmed. The events silenced the town council and deliberations only resumed in 1865.



As known, part of Galicia's Jewish intelligentsia was impressed by the Warsaw in which “displays of Jewish–Polish fraternity” were prominent. The Austrian government viewed the events with concern, with apprehension that the Jews might join the Polish National movement. Jewish youths at the universities of Warsaw and Krakow spearheaded the notion of supporting

[Pages 293-294]

the Jews who joined the uprising. At Krakow propaganda for that aim was organised by Dr. Jakob Drobner, Dr. Jozef Öttinger, Bienenfeld, Adolf Aleksandrowicz, Henryk Markusfeld and the Gumplowicz family. The situation was quite different at Lwów, where the Jews were influenced by German culture and showed little interest in the Polish cause although some of the Jewish students had joined the Poles. The Law students Jozef Lewkowicz, Maurycy Jekeles and Fillip Zucker were the principal motivators for mobilising their friends in that direction, but were unsuccessful in attracting all the students. Many of them baulked at the Polish assimilation; their leader was the Lwów born Filip Mansch (born 17th March 1838). His father, Reb. Salomon Mansch, was a renowned merchant and Maskil who gave his son a secular education. In the years 1855–1861, Filip Mansch studied Law at Lwów university. Ever since his youth he had shown interest in Jewish matters and especially in the Yiddish language and grammar. Ludwik Gumplowicz, the leader of Krakow's assimilated youth, was his friend. In contrast to the assimilated, Mansch and his friends held the view that the Jewish People were a nation with a significant culture, who did not need assimilation. That idea drove Mansch to become active within “Szomer Izrael [The Guardian of Israel]”. Consequently, Ludwik Gumplowicz protested that Lwów university's Jewish youth was not inclined towards the Polish national line.[55]

In June 1861, an announcement from Warsaw reached Lwów[60] stressing that the conflict between the peasants and the nobles had been led by the powers ruling over parts of Poland, who incited the Christians against the Jews, and the Ruthenians against the Poles, all of whom were of one country. The announcement noted that the Jews showed their sympathy for Poland and that “they are our brothers, and Poles like ourselves, although they adhere to a different religion. We are with them and they are with us, we shall work together in peace, in brotherhood and with joint efforts to free Poland”. The leaflets were sold on Lwów's streets by Jews too.[61]

With the exception of a few students, the Jewish population was not much affected by the activities of the Polish movement. Filip Zucker, Jozef Lewkowicz and Maurycy Jekeles were the chief movers for the Polish cause, among the Jewish academic youth.

Filip Zucker, the son of Dr. Leon Zucker, the physician of Brody, collected uniforms for the rebels. A police search at his house revealed a large quantity of military uniforms. He was caught and sentenced to incarceration.

Jozef Lewkowicz, the son of Isak, a wholesale merchant who owned a house at No. 9, Breite Gasse (Plac Gołuchowski). Together with Jekeles he visited Rabbi Dow–Berisch Meisels during his stay at Lwów, a pretext under which the police searched his house on 11th March 1862, where they found material which seemed to implicate him in involvement with the Polish uprising movement. Sentenced to jail, he was released in 1867. Jekeles was jailed at the same time, and after his release he completed his studies and excelled as a lawyer in Lwów.

As mentioned, besides a small group of students the Jewish public showed no interest in the Polish revolt. The Jewish intelligentsia was mostly against supporting the Poles. The cool attitude toward the Poles arose from bitterness against the Poles who refused to grant Jews equal rights during the municipal regulations debate.

There were however a few individuals, including Dr. Moriz Rappaport and Marek Dubs, who sympathised with the Polish movement and expressed their national feelings. In his journal Hamwasser, the renowned Hebrew writer Joseph Kohn–Zedek adopted an anti–Polish stance and warned Galician Jews against joining the uprising, or extending active assistance to Poles who suppressed Galician Jews. He was well aware of the difficult situation in which Jews found themselves. The young Hebrew writer, Natan Samuely wrote openly that one could not rely on promises of “the Polish National government” that flattered the Jews in order to gain their support.

The bitterness and mistrust worsened when, on 26th July 1863, the Polish newspaper “Goniec [Polski; Polish Times]” published a notice that a Christian apprentice had been killed in the Jewish Quarter. The incidence led to attacks by Christians who rioted around Wałowa Street, even though it transpired that the rumour was false; order was only restored with the aid of the armed forces.

The following day, 27th July 1863, the uprising's town commander posted a flyer to the townspeople, stressing that the Polish people had announced to the world the principle of equality and fraternity among all classes and religions. Consequently, all Poles including Jews were fighting for the freedom of Poland. The Jews had equal rights in the homeland, and it was down to the Poles to convince the youth to oppose all outbursts against the Jews. A second flyer instructed the Polish craftsmen, merchants and pharmacists to accept Jewish apprentices. The theatres, too, were asked to avoid putting on plays that lampooned the Jews. As part of Poland and following the will of the people, Galicia's citizens had to be familiar with, and follow the directives of the secret national government, and no disregard for equal rights of any class or religion would be permitted. On

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Appeal to Lwów's citizens, 1863


the other hand, the Jews had to demonstrate that they were good sons of the homeland, rather than joining the enemy and turning into its creature in the Germanisation of Poland. The Jews had to support the movement in blood and money, and join the fighting units.

To instil substance in the declarations the national government replaced Lwów's district manager, Tadeusz Skolimowski, by the Jewish manager, Eduard Weissmann, who was active in the movement and contributed to it financially. Under the existing conditions he knew full well that as a Jew he would face difficulties winning over the Poles, and initially he refused the post on the grounds that he was too young. After their repeated pleas, however, he agreed to the appointment.

To influence the communities of Lwów and Galicia, the leaders of the Warsaw uprising established Polish–Jewish committees, but to no avail, as apart from the small group of students headed by Zucker, the masses did not join the Polish movement. Only a few young men joined the rebels or helped the Poles at the border stations between Galicia and Russia. Lwów's community representatives stressed their loyalty to Austria on every occasion. On 21st August 1863, in an audience with commissioner Mensdorff, the community delegation thanked the government for extending the civil rights and easing the employment situation. On 14th November 1863, Lwów's national committee once more turned to the Jews in a call for unity and action for the uprising, but again in vain.

The names of Lwów's Jews who supported the Polish movement, were:

  1. Moritz Weber, one of the revolt fighters who joined the rebel unit in 1831. In 1882 he published his memoirs in the newspaper Ojczyzna, and died in the USA in 1884.
  2. Mojzesz Berger, member of Lwów's town council. Loyal to the national government, he managed the rebel army's finances and donated large sums to the purposes of the revolt. He died at Lwów in 1885.
  3. Dr. Mojzesz Beiser (1807–1880), concluded his medical studies at Vienna (1835), and was a surgeon at Gwoździec, Kolomyia and Lwów. In 1830–1831 he also assisted the revolt. In 1848, he was a member of the national council of Lwów. He was deported to Zólkiew as a political suspect and was under police supervision till 1850. In 1863 he returned to Lwów, where he was involved in planning the revolt. Due to his Polish patriotic conduct he was nominated an honorary citizen of Lwów, in 1876. He also took an active part in Jewish public life.
  4. Rittel, tailor (the father of Dr. Stanislaw Rittel, delegate to the Galician Sejm), who sewed army uniforms for the rebels.
  5. Ludwik Kunstfeld, born at Lwów, surveyor, served with a combat unit.
  6. Jozef–Noa Löwenherz, an estate owner, lived in Lwów (grandfather of the Zionist businessmen Dr. Henryk and Jozef Löwenherz), also took part in the combat units under Commander Miniewski.
  7. Jonas Löwenherz, his brother, student, active in the rebellion movement.
  8. Ferdinand Sacher, tailor, served with the units under Commander Wysocki, owner of a Lwów restaurant.
The Polish committee's efforts were however in vain, and in a record to the national government[62] the committee complained about the indifference shown by the Jews who refrained from joining the uprising. “From 1833 onwards –the report stressed– not a single Jew was among the accused in the political trials held in Galicia or Lwów, until recently”. All the enlightened Jews (zydzi postçpowi) sympathise with the German intelligentsia that strives to obliterate the Polish character of Galicia. In the past years a small group began to assimilate among the Poles, but they are unreliable.”[63]



Shortly after the uprising which called for a Polish–Jewish solidarity, and for Jewish participation in the efforts to free Poland,

[Pages 297-298]

“the joint homeland”, the difficult struggle started over the Jews' equal rights. The Jewish community led by Rachmiel Mieses, resubmitted petitions and requests to extend the real estate ownership rights for all Jewish citizens. On 11.1.1863, it submitted a comprehensive memorandum[64] to liquidate the Jewish Quarters due to the town's increased number of Maskilim. The municipality again referred to clauses in the municipal regulations and expressed an anti–Jewish stance. The Governorship sought the opinion of the police, which actually sided with the Jews. The police noted that the municipality's arguments contravened civilisation and the spirit of the age; the municipal regulations it cited belonged to an earlier era. The police also questioned the claim that the Jews segregated themselves from the Christian population. It was the restrictions which had forced them to be segregated, and lifting those would only be an advantage to the state, and granting the Jews equal rights should be recommended.

Not wishing to decide on its own, the Governorship left the decision to the ministry. On 25th January 1865, the ministry's response stated that Jews who had done away with the traditional Jewish dress and the side–locks, could live outside the Jewish Quarter. The majority of the Jews objected to the condition and preferred to remain within its streets.


Rabbi Izak Aron Etlinger


The town council renewed the debates about the municipal regulations which had been discontinued in 1863. Incidentally, the question arose of dividing the town into two communities (Gemeinden): Christian and Jewish. The Poles submitted a proposal to do away with the community altogether and instead to transfer all the Jewish affairs to the authority of the 20 Jewish members on the town council, while the Christian affairs would be settled by the Christian members on the town council.

The Pole, Gryziecki, suggested that were the Jews to insist on appointing 15 members on the council, they would need to appoint five Christians as members of the community committee. Despite the objection from members on the Jewish council who had rejoined the council after Dr. Hönigsmann had declared on their behalf, the regulations with all their restrictions on Jews, in accordance with Dr. Rayski presentation, were nevertheless accepted during the session of 9th October 1865. The 17th January 1866 session agreed to submit the regulations for the Sejm's approval.

Unlike the 5th March 1862 government's proposed regulations submitted to the Sejm, which made no mention of restrictions on any religious community, it was decided to introduce fundamental changes, particularly in the chapter addressing issues specific to the Jewish and the Christian populations.

Chapter VI of the Regulations determined the precise differentiation

and the specific treatment of Christian and Jewish issues. The Christians' affairs would be settled by Christian members on the council without the participation of any Jewish members, while the Jewish affairs would be settled by the administrative committee of the 20–men Jewish council.

Lwów's regulation turned into a yardstick for other towns keen to retain a Polish character, for fear that in towns in which the Jews formed the majority, equal rights would secure a permanent Jewish rule. The Sejm submitted the municipal regulations to the scrutiny of a special committee. Most of the committee accepted all the restrictions, but the minority led by Dubs and Samelsohn wanted to omit all clauses dealing with the Christians' attitude towards the Jews. Their demand focused in particular on altering clause 34, which prescribed that the committee be made up of 80 Christian and 20 Jewish members; instead they proposed the committee be made up of 100 members without setting fixed numbers of Jewish and of Christian members. In addition, to leave out the restrictions, that the mayor and his deputy had to be Christian, as well as § 15 which determined that at least two thirds of the committee members and their deputies had to be Christian. They also demanded to leave out §§ 118–126 of chapter VI, which determined that all municipal property belonged to the Christian population and that the town was responsible for the Christian institutions and schools, as well as the matter of splitting the municipal council into two administrative committees, one Christian, one Jewish. All the amendments proposed by Dubs and Dr. Samelsohn were rejected. Only six Jewish delegates voted in favour of the proposal. The Sejm's decision shocked Lwów's Jews and encouraged the community to approach the government with countermeasures. In April 1866, at Vienna, a memorandum was handed to the prime–minister by a delegation which comprised of

[Pages 299-300]

Dr. Emanuel Blumenfeld, Dr. Hönigsmann, Dr. Kolischer, M. Mieses, Dr. Nossig, Dr. Blumenfeld junior, Rabbi Bernhard Löwenstein–Lwów delegates; Majer Kallier and Dr. Schornstein–Brody delegates; Dr. Bardasch, Rabbi Rappoport–Tarnopol delegates; Pineles, Dr. Reiner and Garfinkel–delegates from the rest of the communities. The heading of the published memorandum read:

“Memorandum to His Excellency the Imperial and Royal Minister of State Count Belcredi presented by Lwów's Jewish cultural congregation on the occasion when Lwów's municipal status was decided by the Galician Diet (33 pages) Vienna 1866. [In German in the original]

In their memorandum the Jewish representatives of Galicia protested against Clause 34 of Lwów's municipal regulation, submitted to the Kaiser for approval, which contradicted the 5th March 1862 municipal law that did not distinguish a village or town population by religion. According to Lwów's municipal proposal the number of Jews on the town council was restricted to twenty members. The restriction demonstrated the segregational and discriminational stance held by the majority of Poles. Lwów's Jews made up around two fifths (or at least one third) of the population, and proportionately they were entitled to 33 seats on the town council, in particular considering that they were the town's main taxpayers. Clause 56 determined that the mayor and his first deputy had to be Christian. That restriction discredited and contravened the 5th March 1862 municipal law. Clauses 126–128, which determined that the municipal property belonged solely to Christians, rested on certificates granted to the Christian population by the kings of Poland, during the period when Jews had not yet been entitled to the town's citizenship. The community demonstrated that throughout the Polish and Austrian rules the income and profits from municipal property had been spent by the municipality on general causes enjoyed by both Christians and Jews. Ever since 1848 Jews had participated in the town administration, whereas the property was registered in the municipality's name only in 1849, at a time when Lwów's Jews had already been granted municipal voting rights. The community objected particularly to Clauses 124–125, which specified that Jewish issues be only decided by the twenty Jewish council members, thus leading to the dissolution of Lwów's Jewish community, in contravention with Clause 92 of the proposed municipal regulations in which a self–sufficient Jewish community was indeed acknowledged. As the entire regulation was against the interest of the Jews, the community opposed its approval. On 26th September 1866, the Kaiser received the delegation and promised to heed its request.

For the Poles, the community's petition to the Vienna central government was a hostile act, which the Polish press noted as “a provocative step.”

On 28th October 1866, Belcredi handed the Kaiser a report regarding Lwów's regulations supplemented by comments that the representatives of Lwów's Jews had appealed against the regulations and that in his opinion part of their complaints were justified. The regulations contravened the general laws and constituted an insult to the Jews and consequently he suggested the Kaiser should not approve them; he also requested permission to submit his comments to Galicia's governor so that he might

affect the removal of those flaws during the Sejm session.[65]

The Kaiser accepted the minister's view and refused to approve the regulations.[66] The regulations were sent back to Lwów's municipality to remove the blatant restrictions, and they were resubmitted with the alterations, in March 1867, for the Kaiser's approval. Despite the alterations, the regulations still contained clauses that contravened the law, such as: setting a single tribunal [curia] for all the voters (instead of three tribunals [curiæ]). By such means the municipality hoped to affect the results of elections, since the number of taxpayers among the Jews was disproportionately high. Viscount [von] Taaffe, the Minister of the Interior, disagreed with the municipality's stance and advised the Kaiser to defer the approval of the regulations.[67] Lwów's municipality received the regulations yet again, but after much effort succeeded in being granted approval for a single tribunal to hold elections, due to the town's special national circumstances. According to the regulations the town council was made up of 100 members elected by a single tribunal, an anomaly among the towns of Galicia and Austria, in which three tribunals picked the members. The council was elected for three years, and from 1909 for six years, in such a manner that every three years half the members departed,[68] to be replaced by others. In December 1865, during the Galician Sejm's third sitting, the delegate Count Agenor Gołuchowski who had been Galicia's Governor, proposed granting all Jews, without exception, the right to purchase land, plots and houses throughout Galicia and the Grand Duchy of Krakow. His proposal surprised the entire Sejm and the Jews in particular, especially his address on 25th January 1866, in which he stressed that anti–Jewish laws had been abolished throughout European countries, with only Austria conspicuous in its handling of Jewish affairs entangled in archaic laws and mediaeval judgements, with just first steps taken to abolish the restrictions on Jews. The 18th February 1860 law did not directly increase Enlightenment among the Jews. Count Gołuchowski opposed the view that Jews had a bad effect on the rural population. The fact that regulations had been introduced in Russia forbidding

[Pages 301-302]

Catholic Poles from acquiring estates, to the indignation of the Polish people, obligated the Sejm to abolish the restrictions concerning the Jews. His proposal was however disputed by the Ruthenian delegate, Iwan Huszałewycz [Guszałewycz], and was referred to the administrative committee without being debated by the Sejm's plenary session.

Count Gołuchowski 's demand reverberated throughout the Jewish communities, and the representatives of Lwów's community sent a delegation to express the Jews' gratitude. In his reply he noted his pleasure the Jews had realized that the rumours portraying him as a Jew hater, were false.

In September 1866, Count Gołuchowski was appointed Governor of Galicia, replacing Field Marshal [von] Paumgarten. In September 1868, in his post as Governor, he submitted to the Sejm the government's proposal to abolish all restrictions applied to the Jews that were in contravention with the new basic law of 21st December 1867.

During the sessions of the 30th September and 8th October 1868, after the address and arguments of Dr. Franciszek Smolka, the Sejm decided to approve the proposal and abolish all restrictions applied to the Jews. Based on that decision, Lwów's town council deleted from its regulations all restrictions regarding the Jews.

With the granting of full emancipation to the Jews, a new period in the history of Galicia's Jews has started. (*)

(*). To commemorate that struggle in the Sejm, Lwów's community published, in German and in Polish, the protocol of the Sejm's debates about the Jewish issue,[69] and also the addresses of Franciszek Smolka.[70]

[Page 378]

Notes – CHAPTER 17
All notes in square brackets [ ] were made by the translator or by the editor
[The spelling of most personal names were sourced from reference books by M. Balaban.]

  1. Archive of the Ministry of the Interior M.d.J. IV T. 8. 2447 e.a. 1851/1852. Return
  2. Freiherr von Kübeck's diary of 30th and 31st December 1851, cited in: Joseph Redlich : Kaiser Franz Joseph von Österreich, Berlin 1928, p. 93. Return
  3. Ministerkonferenzprotokolle 1852 z. 653 d.do 3/3 1852. Return
  4. Ministerkonferenzprotokolle 1852 z. 3646 d.do 13/XI 1852. Return
  5. Ministerkonferenzprotokolle 1853 z. 2761 d/do 11/VIII 1853. Return
  6. The address of the Minister of Commerce and Finance, Baumgarten, IV T. 10 Z. 1549 ex/1861. Return
  7. Dr. Stan. Hoszowski: Ekonomiczny rozwoj Lwowa w latach 1772–1914. Lwów 1937.
  8. The bequest for charity institutions and for establishing an orphanage amounted to 50,000 Florins.
  9. Allgemeine Zeitung des Judenthums 1854, 7/VI.
  10. “After the death of Rabbi Abraham Kohn, Dr. Moritz Löwenthal was appointed as preacher, but the “Temple” management were dissatisfied with him as he was not an experienced preacher; was unfamiliar with “Lwów's stormy currents”; delivered lengthy speeches and addresses. The “Friends of Progress” published letters of complaints against him and demanded his resignation, in Wiener Blätter edited by Letteris (Addendum to Issue 15, pp.139, 141; Issue 23, pp. 213–214). Dr. Löwenthal accepted the demands, resigned his post and settled at Mosciska [Mościski] as an estate owner. In 1851, the preacher's post was offered to Rabbi Albert Kohn who was a rabbi at Radonice [Radonitz], Bohemia, but he declined the offer. On the recommendation of Salomon Jehudah Rappoport [Shir], Dr. Samuel Adler, who was rabbi at Alzey, Hessen (Germany) was accepted as preacher. For political reasons, the authorities refused to sanction his appointment as seen in the Vienna Ministry of the Interior's record:
    IV T. 14,799/1141 1855, 2. Juli. [in German; Editor's note: the following text is not edited]
    [“]The board of directors of Lwów's Jewish community has entered into a contract with Dr. Samuel Adler at Abzey in the Grand Duchy of Hessen, to fill the lifelong post, at Lwów, of learned teacher and actual preacher in the third religion, subject to subsequent official approval. The character reference testimonial by officials from the Grand Duchy of Hessen included however the remark that,
[Pages 379-380]
    in 1848, whether from vanity or fear, he was seduced by the place of prayer of his Royal Highness Grand Duke, which had engaged for a while an intercessory of the “Leader of People”, so the state officials immediately courteously approved the contract and only permitted Dr. Adler to act provisionally as preacher for Lwów's community, in order to be able to observe his behaviour more closely to decide whether he was worthy of a stable employment and of admission to the Austrian State.
    Lwów's community appealed against the state officials' pronouncement. At the same time, however, it was noted in h.o. Note v. 4/III 1855, that the Ministry of the Interior had arrived at the same conclusion about Dr. Adler's admissibility for naturalization and that provisionally the data in hand against him needed to be taken into account at least for greater clarification of his political thoughts and actions. Due to the indication also stressed in the note, the Ministry of Education turned to the supreme Imperial–Royal Police authority to enquire whether it had any reservations to granting Dr. Adler permission to stay at Lwów. As a result, the Imperial–Royal Police authority revealed that after detailed enquiries, except for the above allegation, there had been no reason for a perception that his political convictions and tendencies should be considered in an unfavourable light, and that the responsibility for the incident lay more with the then democratic municipal councillor of Abzey than with Dr. Adler.
    The Ministry of Education and Culture's unanimous decision was as follows:
    Herewith one has the honour of conveying that with the present explanation of the supreme Imperial–Royal Police authority the above objections to Dr. Adler's political thoughts and actions are deemed to be resolved with no objection were the situation to arise regarding his admissibility to the Austrian State.
    16th July 1855 [”] (Signature)
    Dr. Adler probably declined Lwów community's offer, and in 1857 he was invited to officiate as Rabbi of the [Reform] synagogue, Emanuel, at New York. In 1886 he published a book on Hebrew literature “Kobez al Jad”, and he died aged 87, in 1891.
    Dr. Szymon Schwabecher was appointed as preacher at Lwów, instead of him. Return
  1. During 1856–1857, he was Rabbi at Oświęcim [Auschwitz]–Wadowice, later he established a secular secondary school [teaching math and technical subjects] at Vienna and after a period he settled at Budapest. Return
  2. Among the known Jewish lawyers were: Dr. Emanuel Blumenfeld, Dr. Leo Kolischer, Dr. Maximilian Landesberger, Dr. Oswald Menkes, Dr. Moriz Mahl. Return
  3. Jakob Balaban was a well–known silk wholesaler in Lwów. The town's Maskilim gathered at his house. His daughter Rosalia (1803–1857) was known as “The Galician Madame [de] Staël” and was a friend of Rabbi Nachman Krochmal, Rabbi Salomon Jehudah Rappoport and Mejer Letteris. She married the banker Halferson at Odessa, and died at Vienna. Her daughter married the banker Efrati at Odessa. Letteris published her obituary in the newspaper Wiener Blätter, 1857, Issue 36. Return
  4. In 1856, there were 1053 pupils.
    IV T 17, 11945/825 4/XI 1857. Return
  5. Jutrzenka 1862, pp. 247–249. Return
  6. H. H. St. Archiv. Minrat. Prot. 1848 No. 647. ddo 23/XI. Return
  7. IV T. 11 23472/682 ddo 11/XI 1854; IV T. 7 14945/825 ddo 4/VII 1855. Return
  8. Wiener Blätter 1851 No. 26, p.176. Return
  9. Wiener Blätter 1851 No. 26. Return
  10. [in German] Graveside eulogy to the noble, deeply mourned philanthropist H. Zipper, imperial urban district supervisor. Promoter of Lwów's charitable institutions. Died on 3rd September 1858. Delivered by Heinrich D. Bernstein. Published by M. H. Poremba 1858; all proceeds dedicated to the institution providing meals for the poor.
    Obituary in: Wiener Mitteilungen 1858, No. 38; pp.149–150. Return
  11. Diamand published the memorandum under the title: [in German:]
    Memorandum concerning the authorisation of a charity – Lwów association for the establishment of a Jewish poor fund and endowment for the most essential benevolent institutions of the high imperial land of Galicia – executive committee submitted by Dawid Diamand, Lemberg 1854. Return
  12. Wiener Blätter 1855, p. 195. Allgem. Ztg. d. Jtms 1855, p.504. Return
  13. IV T 2 15925/629 e.a. 1851. Return
  14. IV T 2 1853.
  15. Regierungsblatt 1853, 190 V. 2/X 1853. Return
  16. Report by Gołuchowski of 11th January 1860, No. 1393/81. Return
  17. Wiener Staatsarchiv: Information Office 1853, No. 4574/B.M. Return
  18. IV T 2 fol.. 1–85, Galizia 22409/577
    Report by Galicia's Governorship to the Ministry of the Interior, of 14/VIII 1855. Return
  19. IV T 10 26705/505 1859. Return
  20. IV T 2 fol. 1–85, Utterance by the Minister of the Interior, Freiherr von Bach 7883/166 ddo 4/IV 1856. Return
[Pages 381-382]
  1. Lwów Governor's report of 20/IV 1856, No. 10975, M.Z. 4916/116 ex 1876. Return
  2. V T 3–7 22107/16112 e.a. 1857 30/7. Return
  3. IV T 1 No. 1059 (13/VI 1859). Return
  4. IV T 1 No. 1462 (10/VIII 1858). Return
  5. IV T 1 30507/677 12/XI 1859. Return
  6. [in German] The Minister of the Interior, Count Agenor Gołuchowski's most humble utterance regarding the Jews' rights of ownership, 11th January 1860. IV T 1 No. 1393/81 1860. Return
  7. The annulment was granted to people who had graduated from a commercial school together with four years of secondary school [gymnasium] education. Return
  8. According to the Ministry of the Interior's archive register. IV T 2 Return
  9. Memorandums of 21st February 1861 and 11th January 1863. IV T 6545/538 1864, 1863. Allgem. Ztg. d. Judtms. 1860, p. 625. Return
  10. Governor Mensdorff's report, IV T 2 6545/538 1864. Return
  11. IV T 1 e.a. 1864 Z 6545/538. Return
  12. IV T 10 Fasz. 86 1149/1141 1861. Return
  13. Reports of Bernstein–estate for 1865–1885. Lwów 1885. Return
  14. [in German] House, Court and State Archives, Vienna, Conference protocols 1867. Z. 4427 ddo 15/XI 1867. Return
  15. Dr. Gelber: Aus zwei Jahrhunderten 1924, pp. 162–169. Return
  16. Conference protocols 1860 Z. 1906. Return
  17. Henryk Schmitt: Rzut oka na nowy projekt bezwarunkowego równouprawnienia Zydów, oraz odpowiedz na zarzuty z którymi dzisiejsi ich obroncy przeciw narodowi polskiemu wystepuja. Lwów 1859. Return
  18. In contrast to the nobles' casino which was termed “Kasyno konskie”, the Jewish casino was termed “kasyno wolowe”, later the association was given the Polish name “Towarszyskosc”. Return
  19. Dr. Henryk Gottlieb (1839–1905), a well known lawyer at Lwów with education in philosophy, was actively involved in community affairs on the side of the Enlightened. A founder member of “Szomer Izrael” [“The Guardian of Israel”], a friend of Abraham Krochmal, he published articles on philosophical questions, natural history, law and economics. Among historians' circles reverberated his article:
    “Das jüdische Reich der Chasaren [The Jewish Empire of the Khazars]” published in: (Österr. Wochenschrift Jg. XI);
    [“]Schulbetrachtungen auch eine Todesstrafe [”] (Wien 1872);
    [“]Der Weltuntergang, ein Gedicht[”] (Hamburg 1888);
    [“]Die Ursache der allgemeinen Schwere[”] (Lemberg 1902);
    [“]Juristische Untersuchungen: Der Kaufvertrag[”] (Wien).
    He edited the Polish periodical Ekonomista. His son, Dr. Bertold Gottlieb took an active part on the “Temple's” committee, while his wife, Sydonia née Sokal, was a well known activist. Return
  20. Jakob Hirsch Sperling (1837–1901), Shir's Nephew, taught at the Jewish school and from 1877, taught religion at Lwów's German secondary school. He was an active member of “Szomer Izrael”. He published some 400 poems in Kochbe Jizchak [“Isaac's Stars”], HaShachar [“The Daybreak”], HaBoker Or [“The Morning Light”], HaJbri [“The Hebrew”] and HaMagid [“The Preacher”]. He also published books: Chamisha K'tarim [“Five Crowns”] (Lwów, 1873), Sefer Chochmat Sh'lomo [“Book of Solomon's Wisdom”] (Lwów, 1878). Return
  21. Dawid Rappoport (1837– ), the son of Jakub Samuel Rappoport (the brother of Shir). His father was a wholesale trader and a renowned scholar. He was one of Rabbi Abraham Kohn's opponents, although he was not affiliated with the Orthodox's faction. He resented his brother, Shir, for recommending Rabbi Kohn to Lwów's community–elders and to deputy Governor Krauss, who was one of his acquaintances. In his 2nd November 1847 letter to Shir, he wrote the following about Rabbi Kohn:[“] He (Kohn) is a man of bad deeds who has slandered you in public and in private, more than once. He is ignorant of the Talmud and adjudicative literature, he also turns his back on all Jewish Laws, and I consider him akin to one of the local Gentiles”.
    Dr. M. Balaban: Historja lwowskiej Synag. P. 74, note 23.
    His son Dawid was a Maskil who participated in public life and was a founder member of “Szomer Izrael”. He published translations of Schiller's poems in Kochbe Jizchak. Return
  22. Samuel Modlinger (1825–1898), was a researcher and author who came from a well–known Lwów family. He published: Simoth Ajin oder Blicke in die Urgeschichte des israelitischen Volkes. [“Historical Glimpses of the Jewish People”] (Lwów 1861);
    “Reminiszenz an Munk” (Ein Vortrag) [“Reminiscence of Munk” (a lecture)] Lemberg 1867;
    Lessings Verdienste um das Judenthum. Eine Studie (Frankfurt am Main 1869).
    As well as articles in Le Libanon, Otzar HaChochmah, and HaSchachar. Return
  23. Allgem. Ztg. d. Just. 1862, p. 289;
    Ben–Chananja [Zeitschrift für jüdische Theologie; Magazine of Jewish theology] 1862, No. 15.
    The Enlightened published a flyer in which they reminded the voters of their 20 years' work in the community, for the benefit of Lwów's Jews, and demanded that Enlightened candidates be elected. Return
  24. Published in: Przeglad rzeczy polskich Paris 1861, Vol. V, pp.57–58. Return
  25. See my article: “Filip Mansch und Ludwig Gumplowicz” in : Fun noentn over, Warsaw, 1938, II Pamphlet 1. Return
  26. Jutrzenka 1861, p.70.
  27. Posłanie do wszystkich rodaków na ziemi polskiej. [Call to all compatriots in Poland]
    Published in: Józef Białynia Chołodecki : Do dziejów powstania styczniowego.
  28. Obrazki z przeszłości Galicji, Lwów 1912, p. 19;
    Białynia Chołodecki p.32.
[Pages 383-384]
  1. In the poem: “Bajazzo, ein Gedicht”, Leipzig 1866, Dr. Rapopport translated into German [Kornel] Ujejski's choral “Z dymem pozarów”.
  2. See my book: Die Juden und der polnische Aufstand 1863, Wien 1923, p. 148. Return
  3. In the collected documents: Ossolineum rekopis 1884/11. Return
  4. Ossolineum 1884/II reports in the manuscript that Eastern Galicia sent to the front 35 companies with 14,000 combatants. Half a million Franks was collected towards the national tax fund, besides around one million Franks that was spent on the rebels' economy. Jewish lessees and estate owners were obliged to pay the national tax as well as to host and maintain rebels (Report for the Austrian authorities on the national movement of Eastern Galicia in 1863, by the Polish writer Kaczkowski, an Austrian government agent).
    Dr. Eugeniusz Barwiński: Zygmunt Kaczkowski w świetle prawdy (1863–1871) Z tajnych aktów b. Austryjackiego ministerstwa policji. Lwów 1920, p. 74. Return
  5. Most of the Jewish intelligentsia rejected the Polish revolutionary movements. Such views were expressed in the Jewish newspaper Tsaitung [Zeitung], founded by Mendel Mohr. Once Mierosławski's emissaries started to establish revolutionary committees and collect a national tax, the newspaper appealed to the Jews not to respond, and “were wealthy Jews coerced into paying for Polish national goals, one has to stop the individual” and turn him to the police. (Tsaitung 1866, Issue 6). Return
  6. At the same time, Isak Daitsch of Vienna who considered himself the representative of Austro–Hungary's Charedi Jews, tried to stress the loyalty of the Charedim to the Empire and the revolutionary attitude of the Enlightened, and submitted a memorandum to Kaiser Franz–Joseph I in which he requested, in the name of Galicia's Jews, to annul the restrictions on property ownership.
    The Polish Press questioned how Daitsch came to represent half a million Galician Jews. The Polish newspaper Praca took particular exception to his assertion that it was not the Charedim but rather the Poles who had supported all the revolutionary movements of 1846, 1848, 1863 and 1864.
    The board of directors of Lwów's community – Dr. M. Landesberger, Rachmiel Mieses, Samuel Kohn, Meier Münz, Salomon Kellermann and Rachmiel Ornstein published a strongly worded protest against Daitsch, and in March 1865 they pointed out in the Jewish and Polish press that while the Jews of Galicia aspired to see a rapid end to the restrictions on property ownership, it was not Daitsch's place to speak for them. They strongly opposed his assertions which conjoined the Jews' demands with their loyalty to the Empire and their anti–Polish stance.
    Allgem. Ztg. d. Judems. 1865, pp.201–202. Return
  7. K.Z. 3374/66 Vortrag des Staatsminister Gf. Belcredi [Talk by government Minister Count Belcredi] v. 28/XI 1866. Return
  8. The Jews rejoiced at the news that the Kaiser had refused to confirm the Lwów regulations. “Tsaitung” (1866 Issue 5 dated 9/11) writes [in Yiddish]: We can bring pleasure to our readers with the good news that the Kaiser has rejected Lemberg's municipal regulations as determined by the State Diet, a law which would violently oppress us Jews. The Christian Council would control us completely, but our fair Kaiser would not succumb to that”. Return
  9. K.Z. 1320 Vortrag des Leiters des Min. d. Innern Graf Taaffe v. 21/III 1867. Return
  10. The voting rights were granted in the following categories: a. Owners of real–estate or those enjoying their fruits, who pay land or house tax. b. Those paying Income tax in the sum of 8 Gulden, or other tax in the sum of 12 Gulden. c. Those who are educated. d. Those who pay tax in the sum of 250 Gulden. e. Industrial companies and associations paying annual tax in the sum of 50 Gulden. The Council elects the town's leader and his deputy, 3 deputies according to the 1909 regulations. Return
  11. [Die] Debatten über die Judenfrage in der Session des galizischen Landtages vom Jahre 1868. Lemberg. Return
  12. Mowy posla Fr. Smolki, wygłoszone[j] na posiedzeniach sejmu dnia 30 wrzesnia i 8 pazdziernika 1868 w kwestyi zydowskiej Lwów 1899.
    The Sejm's resolution shocked Lwów's Jews and spurred the community into action against it. In April 1866, at the community's initiative, a memorandum was submitted at Vienna by the delegation made up of Dr. Emanuel Blumenfeld, Dr. Hönigsmann, Dr. Kolischer, M. Mieses, Dr. Nossig, Dr. Blumenfeld the younger, Rabbi Dr. Bernhard Löwenstein, Lwów's representatives; Majer Kallier and Dr. Schornstein, Brody's representatives; Dr. Barach and Rabbi Rapopport, Tarnopol's representatives; Pineles, Dr. Reiner and Karfunkel represented the rest of the communities. The memorandum was addressed as follows:
    [in German] Manuscript to His Excellency the Royal and Imperial Minister of State Count Belcredi handed by the Jewish community of Lemberg, following the adoption by Galicia's government, of the municipal statues for Lemberg. (33 pages. Vienna 1866).
    The representatives of Galicia's Jews objected to clause 34 of Lwów's municipal regulation, which contravened the municipal law of 5th March 1862 that had not differentiated between religions. Clause 34 set the number of the Jewish members on the town council at 20. That restriction exemplified the prominent separatist and sectarian stance of the Polish majority. At Lwów the Jews made up almost two fifth, or at least one third of the population, which meant that they were entitled to 33 seats on the town council, especially since the high tax payers were mainly the Jews. Apart from that restriction, clause 56 determined that the mayor and his deputy had to be Christians. That restriction offended the Jews and contravened the municipal law of 3.5.1862.
    Clauses 127–128 regarding the municipal property, stated on the basis of gift certificates from the kings of Poland, that it belonged solely to the Christian population since it was granted to them during a period when the Jews had not yet been considered the town's citizens.
    In contrast, Lwów's [Jewish] community attested that under both Polish and Austrian rule the income and profits from urban property were used for general purposes enjoyed by Christians and Jews. In addition, since 1848 the Jews made part of the municipal administration, while the town became the owner of the [urban] asset only in 1849, therefore, Lwów's Jews were already town members eligible to vote and to be elected.
    In particular the community objected to clauses 124–125, which determined that the 20 Jewish council members would manage Jewish affairs. That is to say, they would constitute the community management, thus abolishing Lwów's Jewish community in contravention with clause 92 of the proposed municipal regulations. Return


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