Brief Overview
on the General History of Białystok

[Page 14]

The first Piotr Wiesiołowski came from a larger area. After his death his inheritance passed to his son Piotr Wiesiołowski II, who can rightly be considered the founder of the shtetl Białystok. In the year 1581 he started building a castle, which he completed in 1589. But Białystok still belonged to the parish of Suraz.

In the year 1620 Piotr Wiesiołowski died and Białystok passed by inheritance to his youngest son Krzysztof, who was a high-ranking official of King Sigismund III and fought together with him in the great wars. Krzysztof Wiesiołowski had his residence in Tykocin. He therefore annexed Białystok to his beloved residence-town. In the year 1637 Krzysztof died childless and before his death gave Białystok up in order to maintain the castle at Tykocin. Białystok was from that time on managed by Ostrowski, the governor of Tykocin, who seized it but in 1658 the Polish king Jan Casimir reclaimed it and gave it to the Polish noblemen.

In the year 1661 King Jan Casimir issued a privilege, by which he gave over the government of Tykocin with all its dependent noblemen and heirs as a contribution to the governor of Kiev, the later Field Hetman Stefan Czarniecki (1599-1665), the infamous “hero” in the history of the Jews (details on this in chapter two), as a prize for his heroism and profits he brought the crown. The village of Białystok is specifically included in this. The Warsaw State Council established him on a permanent basis over the Tykocin region with all its villages, amongst them also Białystok. After Czarniecki's death^[3] the government of Tykocin, together with Białystok, passed to the count Jan Klemens Branicki, who received it as a dowry when he married his wife Alexandra Katerina, Czarniecki's daughter. He hardly even noticed Białystok because he was occupied with high affairs of the crown.

Original footnotes:

1. This is the opinion of Baprawski, Balinski and Lipinski in Starozytna Polska, V.3, Slownik Geograficzny, V.1; Moszczycki holds that the date is doubtful. Return
2. Encyklopedia Powszechna, wyd. Gutenberga; Slownik Geograficzny Krolewstwa Polskiego by Sulimierski- Chlebowski for the word Bialystok. Return
3. Czarniecki was born in 1599 and died in 1665. Return

Jan Klemens Branicki died in 1673, passing Bialystok to his son, Stefan Mikołaj Branicki. Stefan had very high ambitions and even aspired to the crown. However, because of this, he fell into disgrace and was forced to confine himself to his estates.

[Page 15]

Consequently, he became interested in Bialystok and reportedly spent much time there. In 1703, he started building a palace there. Construction progressed so quickly that part of the palace had been completed by the time Stefan Branicki was alive, and he was able to settle there.

He died young in 1709, leaving behind his son Jan Klemens and four daughters. The small village of Bialystok passed to Jan Klemens, known as Jan Klemens II because his grandfather was also named Jan Klemens.

He energetically set about further developing Bialystok.

Jan Klemens was born in 1689. At twenty years old, he took over Bialystok and, with all his youthful energy, gave the city a tremendous boost. He also held high offices in the kingdom. Even in his youth, he was the “starosta” [city elder] of Bransk and Bielsk. He quickly rose through the ranks of the military. In 1728, he became a general of artillery. In 1732, he was appointed hetman by the crown. In 1746, he became the voivode [governor] of Kraków. He bore the coat of arms of Gryf (a mythical creature with the body of a lion and the wings of an eagle).

In 1742, during his time, Bialystok was transformed into a town. In February 1749, Jan Klemens II convinced the Polish king, Augustus III, to grant Bialystok the “Magdeburg Rights,” even though it had not been listed as a village in historical records prior to that time. A 1759 city stamp of Bialystok has been preserved^[1]. Politically, however, Jan Klemens II did not have a notable career and played no significant role in the kingdom. In 1763–1764, he ran for king but was defeated by the monarchist party of the Czartoryskis. After Stanisław Augustus was elected king, Jan Klemens II fell from grace and lived in Bialystok for the rest of his life.

He wasn't particularly fortunate in his personal life, either. His first wife, who was a member of the Radziwiłł family, died young. He divorced his second wife, Rzhevska (Barbara Szembek?). His third wife, Isabella – the sister of the last Polish king, Stanisław August Poniatowski – who had married him when she was 18 and he was 59, survived him. They had a difficult relationship due to their significant age difference and differing political views.

[Page 16]

He was a Republican and she was a monarchist, but on the surface, they lived in harmony. They had no children. For this reason, Jan Klemens II devoted all his ability and energy to the construction and beautification of Bialystok, his residence's town. He spent his last years in his palace, considered one of the most beautiful of any Polish magnate. Even today, the plans for his buildings are kept in the architectural department of the Louvre in Paris.^[2]

Branicki led an imperial life in his palace, enjoying all kinds of pleasures and luxuries. He invested a great deal of capital in it. Built on the site of a previous wooden palace, it was modeled after the French palace at Versailles. Kings and lords visited it.

For instance, Polish kings Augustus II and Augustus III visited in 1726 and 1744, respectively. In addition to royal guests, counts and princes almost always resided at court, as did representatives of foreign courts and other great aristocrats. That's why such large quantities of wine and brandy had to be stored in the cellars.

During Augustus III's reign, no luxury residence in Lithuania or Poland rivaled that of Bialystok. The most prominent magnates and royal personages spent their time at the grand balls held in the palace.

The ball that King Augustus III hosted on November 19, 1760, for his wife's birthday at his court and palace was remarkable. In attendance were two sons of King Augustus III; the plenipotentiary of the Russian court; the French ambassador and his family; two bishops; and numerous high-ranking representatives from the crown lands of Poland, including Lithuania and Ukraine, as well as from the Saxon and French courts.

Their servants, dressed in various liveries, paraded in large numbers throughout the courtyard, gardens, and stables, displaying the magnificent pomp and wealth of their owners. Hussars, Janissaries, Hungarian regiments, and Cossacks all sent their deputies.

Large oxen, carefully cleaned, slaughtered, and decorated with vegetables, lay on massive silver platters. There were also wild goats with gilded horns, wild boars with open mouths containing pieces of lemon, large knishes [pastries] filled with game, and large babkas [butter cakes] that exuded the aroma of freshly baked goods.

Silver and gold goblets engraved with eagles were filled to the brim with rich, full-bodied Tokaji wines [ sweet wines from the Tokaj-Hegyalja region]. Whole barrels of wine stood ready under the tables and in the corners of the hall on low racks, awaiting their turn.

Brandy and nalivkas [berry liqueur] of all kinds and colors were poured into jugs around which golden cups and crystal goblets were placed, ready to be served according to each person's preference.

[Page 17]

Towering above this abundance of food and drink were trees of ripe fruit from the orangery, brought to decorate the tables and whet the appetite.

The dining table was located in a separate gallery. Down its entire length was a crystal channel filled with Tokaji wine. On its surface floated small boats filled with sweets for the ladies. After lunch, the cup of Stefan Czarniecki [a celebrated Polish military leader] was brought. With it, the men ladled out wine and drank to the health of their hostess, Mrs. Branicki.

The writers of that era admired the castle with its aristocratic courtyard in Bialystok. It was not distinguished by any traces of antiquity; rather, it was a creation of foreign imagination, brought over and implanted under the Lithuanian sky with the power of capital and unique acts of capriciousness.

Beautiful garden houses were immersed in vegetable gardens, arcades, towers, and carved fences. In short, Branicki's courtyard incorporated all the inventions of architectural luxury and art, becoming a true Versailles palace.

Specially commissioned French upholsterers decorated all the rooms with mirrors, furniture, and curtains that would have made Versailles envious. Three troupes–Polish, French, and ballet–performed in a theater with seating for 400 during the winter. On St. John's Day, the hetman received the great aristocrats and the Saxon king himself, displaying royal splendor that surpassed the king's own artistic taste.^[3]

The “stoynes,” the Hetman's stables, were enormous and housed over 200 horses, as well as a variety of carriages, small wagons, carts, and other vehicles.

South of Bialystok, behind the park, Branicki owned a large menagerie measuring approximately 14 versts. It was surrounded by fences and ditches, and had a large stone gate at the entrance. While the exact species housed in the menagerie are unknown, it is known that it housed several hundred deer and wild goats. Breeding all types of poultry was very well established. A few kilometers from the palace lies the still-famous “Bazhantarye” [Bazantarnia, or pheasantry], which can be reached via Khanaykes [Chanajki].^[4]

The “Zvyezhinyets” [Zvyerinyets, zoo] still exists today, although it is separate from the palace, the residence of the voivode [governor], and later became a promenade for the local population.

[Page 18]

There were craftsmen of all kinds in Bialystok. Some of the masters were great artists. Branicki employed them for various projects in his royal palace. A silver service of local craftsmanship stood on his table. At that time, Bialystok already had a Jewish sculptor and artist. It can be assumed that Jews were among Bialystok's craftsmen.

Around 1750, a great fire broke out in Bialystok, destroying all the wooden houses. During the fire, Branicki reportedly exclaimed that he was happy because he was strong enough to rebuild the city from its ruins and make it a hundred times more beautiful according to his will and taste.

After the great fire, small stone houses were mainly built, and Bialystok's streets resembled those of a foreign residence with neat little courtyards arranged in gardens. Many of these small houses were home to the servants of the great aristocrat, including management staff and officials–French and German–who formed numerous suites. These houses were unusually elegant for the era and equipped with amenities unknown in the country at that time.^[5]

A large military garrison was stationed in Bialystok, including an infantry regiment, a dragoon regiment, and two infantry companies: one Hungarian and one Janissary. The officer corps included non-Jewish Poles, Saxons, and Prussians. Branicki also had his own squadron of outposts with Uhlans, court artillery, and similar units.

The commander of the Bialystok garrison was Adjutant General Stanislaw Lentowski. The entire garrison was quartered in the palace buildings.^[6]

During Branicki's time, Bialystok was a political center where important meetings were often held. In general, Bialystok was bustling and lively during the Saxon period, when the hetman was at the height of his power.

In 1763, a circle of shops with a tower that housed a prison was built for Jewish merchants in the middle of the market. The magistrate was never located there. The shops with the tower on the market square are now called Rynek Kościuszki. The fire watchtower, called the “kalantsha,” is on the porch and top of the tower.

[Page 19]

Today, the arrangement of shops, the tower, and the city clock remain. Jews call it “Breml” (eyebrow) or “Tsignvolf” (goat-wolf) because of its shape.

Thanks to the 604-page inventory book of all of Bialystok, compiled after Branicki's death in 1772 and still kept in the Vilna Archives, we can get today an idea of what the city looked like in Branicki's time.

The main streets were: Castle Street (or “Zamkova,” now Palatsova), which led from the Palace Gate to the mill. Opposite the palace, on the Biala River, there was a large mill that ran continuously for a whole year using two waterwheels.^[7]

Then came: Kleyndorf (now Elektryczna), Nayshot (now Warszowska), Vashlikover (now Senkiewicza), Khoroshtsher (Lipowa-Pilsudski), Grine (Zamenhofa), Surazer (now Rynek Kościuszki), and Boyare (Nowe), which branches off from the market.^[8]

Furthermore: Gumyener (Kupietska) and Zatylna. It was structured as follows: the main part united Post Street and the “shulhoyf” [synagogue courtyard]; the long and transverse parts crossed the Zvyerinyets ditch.^[9]

Podzhetshna and Brovarna Streets were located behind the city center. Like the main streets, Grine and Surazer Streets were paved.

According to the city map in the inventory book, the center of Bialystok was the palace or castle. Zamkowa Street (Castle Street) ran along the front of the entire palace, where the city garden is today. A pond once stood there. The street ran from the west side of the palace to the church and opposite the two-story “Hotel Stary,” which was once a convent and hospital of the Sisters of Mercy founded by Branicki.

The following streets ran from the front of Castle Street to the north side: Kleyndorf (Elektryczna), Mill Street (Palatsova), and Nayshtot (Warszowska). Khoroshtsher Street (Lipove-Piłsudski) stretched the length of the city to Zamkowa Street.

[Page 20]

Vashlikover (Senkevitsha) Street stretched across the width of the city. These streets ran through the center of the city: Grine (Zamenhof), Gumyener, Hinter di Sheyern (now Kupyetska), Surazer (now Rynek Kościuszki), and Zatylna. The latter was Tiktiner Street^[10], behind which the shulhoyf was located.

The main part [Surazer Street, Rynek Kościuszki] was connected to the shulhoyf by Post Street (this is the part of the street that leads from Rynek Kościuszki to the shulhoyf, or rather, to the Jewish Quarter. This section was called Post Street because a “horse post” was located there).

The city could be entered through six gates: the Warsaw Stone Gate, which had a moat built underneath it, as well as the Pyetshurker, Vashlikover, Khoroshtsher, Surazer, and Boyarer Gates. Except for the Boyarer Gate, there was a small suburb behind each gate.

The small suburb behind the Khoroshtsher Gate was particularly interesting because it contained an impressive, wide street called Świety Roch [St. Roch], also known as Novolipye because two rows of linden [lipe] trees lined both sides of the street.

A two-story house stood on Surazer Street (now R. Koshtshushko 12). In 1771, Postmaster Topolski rented the house and established a post office there with 18 horses.

The church tower once housed the city clock. Several monuments remain in the church to this day, all of which are from the families of aristocrats and large landowners. One monument is of particular interest to the Jews of Bialystok. Made of red marble, it was erected in honor of the noblewoman Tereza Widzicka, who died in 1717. She donated the interest from the loan - she had granted the Jews- for the “Eternal Light” in the church (see below).

To prevent a fire in the city, the church priest, Kadlubovski, ceded a plot of land behind the Vashlikover Gate to Branicki, in order to relocate the Jewish breweries from the city to this site.

The Bialystok Ghetto [the Jewish quarter] ran along the outskirts of the city. Its center was located behind Zatylna Street. A communal hospital^[11], the rabbinate, and other important Jewish buildings were located there. During this period, Jews began settling in the city center, even making it to the market square.

[Page 21]

At the end of the main Zatylna Street, near the ghetto and facing away from it, stood an inn that also served as a coffee house. It was a large wooden building with a tiled roof. Near the Jewish quarter was a plastered church with three domes.

Branicki's 1772 inventory lists Bialystok's population as 3,400. The city grew rapidly, as evidenced by the cemetery's expansion. The cemetery Świety Roch, founded in 1750, was already too crowded by 1768, so a new cemetery was opened under the name St. Magdalene on Khanaykes.

On October 6, 1771, Jan Clement II Branicki, the last of his line, died suddenly. At that time, Bialystok passed to his wife for life.

After her death, it belonged to the Potockis, who were related to the Branickis on their mother's side. However, the city remained in the possession of Isabella Branicki, the widow, who was called “Krakower Pritste,” until her death. The Jews referred to her as the Duchess in their documents. Despite secretly marrying the voivode Andrzej Mokronowski, she remained ruler of Bialystok until her death.

Following the death of Hetman Branicki, Bialystok underwent a transformation. First, the military garrison was significantly reduced. The new hetman, who was also a Branicki but not related to the previous one, implemented the reduction. Only a small group of soldiers and disabled or retired officers remained in Bialystok. Branicki's staff and office were also dissolved.

However, the “pritste” [noblewoman] was a magnificent owner and strove to further expand and beautify the city.

Even after the hetman's death, the Bialystok Palace enjoyed great popularity. High-ranking and foreign dignitaries continued to visit the “Versailles of Podlasie,” and royalty came even more frequently than during the Saxon era. King Stanislaw Augustus, who had always avoided meetings with the hetman, now frequently visited his sister and spent extended periods of time with her.

In 1789, Austrian Emperor Joseph II stayed in Bialystok on his way back from St. Petersburg. In 1782, the Russian Grand Duke Pavel, son of Yekaterina, and his wife spent a few days here touring the gardens, parks, and surrounding area. In August 1784, King Stanislaw received a very ceremonial welcome when a double holiday was celebrated: the name day of the “Krakower Pritste” and the 20^th anniversary of her brother's coronation.

[Page 22]

The king stayed there once more in 1793 and again in 1794, the latter being his last visit before exile to Grodno.

At the end of the 18^th century, Poland was filled with political émigrés, some of whom found refuge in the Bialystok palace. In early March 1798, King Louis XVIII was in Białystok.

Izabela Branicka, the Krakower Pritste, died in 1809 and considered herself the owner of Bialystok until her death, although the city had actually passed to the Prussian government in 1795.

Original footnotes:

1. Moscicki, the work cited in note (3) in the introduction, p. 27 [see p.3, Pinkos Bialystok] Return
2. see the works cited in note (2). Return
3. see Bobrovski and Milakovski, pages 10-11. Return
4. Moscicki, the cited work, p. 40. Return
5. Z. Kraszewski, Grzechy Hetmasnkie, 1, pages 38-39. Return
6. Moscicki, the cited work, p. 40. Return
7. A hundred years later, I still found a Jewish mill there, “Meshl's Mill.” Return
8. It's unclear where Boyare and Nove Streets ran at that time. Boyare is the street that branches off Varshavski [Warszowska?] Street, and Branicki's stables and his servants' quarters were located there. Nove Street was a suburb on the eastern edge of Bialystok. Return
9. Apparently, the entire ghetto section was called “Zatylna” (“Rearmost”). It had four sections and began on Post Street. There was the alley that today leads from Koshtshushko to the shulhoyf (number 12). The ghetto ended at what is now Versalske, which at that time was the ditch of Zvyerinyets [zoo]. This is how I found it when I arrived in Bialystok. Return
10. Just a few decades ago, the narrow stretch of street with its many shops, from the end of Pilsudski Street to Koshtshushko Street, was still called Tiktiner Street. As we can see, it was called Zatylna because the entire shulhoyf was located behind it. Return
11. For this reason, today's Viltshe Street (Khaye-Odem Lane) was formerly called “Shpitalne Street”. Return

Translator's footnote:

1. Contents in [ ] are from the translator. Contents in ( ) are from the author. Return

During the last partition of Poland in 1795, all of Podlasie fell to Prussia. The Potockis once sold all of Bialystok to the Prussian king for 270,970 thalers (according to another version, for 127,970) on the condition that Branicki's widow would remain the owner of Bialystok until her death. This condition may be why the property was sold so cheaply, as its estimated value was 1,330,000 thalers.

Immediately after the Prussian army invaded Bialystok in 1795, a reorganization of the entire region began. A large Polish-Lithuanian territory was transformed into the province of New East Prussia. Bialystok became one of its main centers. New East Prussia had a population of over half a million.

Within two years, the administrative and judicial apparatus in the Bialystok Department was completely restructured. The highest government authority in Bialystok was the so-called “War and Domains Chamber” with a president, two directors, etc.

The organization was very extensive in the state sphere, with a colossal bureaucracy. The judicial system was reorganized as well. It now consisted of a higher judicial college with superimposed senates, all of which were headed by the highest tribunal in Berlin.

Bialystok underwent a complete transformation; instead of being a magnate's residence, the city became an administrative center. In the former “Versailles of Podlasie,” the supreme leader was now the German official von Stoessel.

Bialystok, the largest city in the department, once had 459 residential buildings and 3,370 inhabitants (at that time, Tiktin had 2,794 inhabitants, Siemiatycze 2,733, Kalvarye 2,705, Tshekhanovtse [Ciechanowiec] 651 inhabitants, and so on).^[1]

[Page 23]

During its twelve years of rule, the Prussian government accomplished a great deal for the development of Bialystok, improving its economic and cultural situation. Bialystok became the capital of an entire district – the department.

A royal printing house was established, and a newspaper called Neu-Ostpreußisches Intelligenz-Blatt was published there in German and Polish.

The “Code of Regulations” on “Dealing with the Population in General” and “Dealing with Jews in Particular” was also printed there.

This is an important document: It is entitled “Excerpts from the Legislative Instructions and Regulations for South and New East Prussia from the Years 1795–1808.” It was printed in Bialystok by Johann Jacob Daniel Kanter at the “Royal New East Prussian Court Printing House.”^[2]

The malicious intent of the regulations for Jews in the Bialystok department and their negative impact on the economic and political situation in general will be discussed later in the context of the history of the Jewish community in Bialystok.

Geographical and statistical writer A. C. von Holsche reports on the state of the city of Bialystok and its trade at the end of the Branicki period and the beginning of the Prussian era.^[3]. We can infer the following:

“There are 459 houses in Bialystok, most of which belong to Jews, who make up the majority of the population^[4]. The population is 3,370^[5], and there are almost no empty spaces in the city. Several more houses were added at that time. The houses are of great value because two provincial administrative boards were established in the city, and a battalion of soldiers is stationed there. The city extends far enough that it takes a quarter of an hour to walk from the Warsower Gate to the Tiktiner Gate, and there is a suburb in front of both gates.

[Page 24]

You can walk through the entire territory in an hour. The main streets are paved. The city has five gates. Most citizens' houses are built according to the same pattern: one story, mostly made of wood, with a brick protective wall in the front and a courtyard on the sides and back. Most houses have a small garden. There are also brick houses.

Housing is expensive: a one-room apartment costs 69.50 to 80 thalers, and an entire house costs 150 to 200 thalers. In addition to ordinary houses, the city has large, solid wooden houses that were handed over to the local government. The owners have now converted these houses into apartments for lower-level officials. Although the provincial administrative boards and the military have large staffing levels, their housing needs have been met.

The market is nearly oval-shaped and covers a large area. In the center is a large building with a tower that is mistakenly called the “Town Hall,” even though it has nothing to do with the magistrate. There are over fifty shops where Jews sell all kinds of goods, and the market is a gem for the city. The shops are considered expensive, selling for several hundred ducats.^[6]

There is no shortage of goods, and many items are of higher quality and cheaper here than in much larger cities. There are goods available here that are unobtainable in other cities. Jewish merchants travel to markets in Frankfurt and Leipzig, where they engage in extensive trade of fabrics, such as silk, cotton, wool, and linen, as well as Russian furs.^[7]

There is heavy traffic here. On market days, which are Sundays and Thursdays, up to 1,000 carts arrive, transporting all kinds of possible and necessary products, mainly grain, meat, and garden vegetables.

The streets are spacious and partially lined with linden trees. In front of the Tiktiner Gate is a separate street with a double linden avenue (Lipove).

The following public buildings exist: 1) At the end of the market, not far from the castle, is a spacious, massive building that houses the chambers; 2) Across from it is a wooden building that houses the government; 3) A small Roman Catholic church; 4) A chapel dedicated to St. Roch outside the town; 5) A Greek Uniate wooden church; 6) A large house that houses many officials; and 7) A convent of the Sisters of Mercy.

[Page 25]

It was built under one roof together with the first massive building, where sick people were healed free of charge; 8) a gymnasium, where well over fifty students were taught by professors. It was opened in the former comedy house in the “Tiergarten” [zoo]^[8]; 9) a municipal school; 10) a hospital. (In addition to the municipal Branicki Hospital, the Jewish Community Hospital continued to operate, serving the large Jewish population in the city and being maintained by wealthy Jewish merchants.)^[9]

Holsche says nothing about the Jewish streets, buildings, shul (synagogue), or bes medresh. However, several years earlier, Mr. Johann Ernst Fabri wrote about the Jewish cemeteries in Bialystok at that time:

“The Jewish cemetery, located in front of the other gate, looks like a square overgrown with all kinds of deciduous trees and, among them, some eye-catching pines.”^[10]

He also describes the state of Bialystok after Jan Branicki's death.

Since Branicki had no children, and after his widow's death his property had to pass to the Potockis, much of it fell into disrepair and the city lost income and trade. Previously, the city had generated considerable income through frequent visits by royal military personnel. Many people in the city had liberal professions, including many Germans.^[11]

Therefore, it may be partly true that when the Germans invaded Bialystok, they found the city neglected and attempted to restore and beautify it.^[12]

The Prussians initially laid their “tyrannical paw” on the Jews, depriving them of the freedom they had previously enjoyed and restricting their rights. But they did not spare the Polish “shlyakhte” [nobles, upper class] either.^[13] During Polish times, the shlyakhte were exempt from all taxes.

Nevertheless, due to the kingdom's critical situation, the aristocrats voluntarily imposed the so-called “tenth-groschen tax” on themselves.

[Page 26]

This was a kind of “mayser” (the biblical tithe) on all income. The Prussians imposed a tax on the “shlyakhte,” raising the levy from 10% to 24%. The shlyakhte of the Bialystok Department had to pay 70,000 thalers.

An important source of income in Poland was the Jewish poll tax; under the Germans, this tax was doubled. In addition to other high taxes, there was a special tax on Jewish trade ledgers.

Although these taxes caused great discontent among the population, trade revived. Prices for local products rose, and the prosperity of the inhabitants, especially those in the cities, increased. Trade developed well, especially exports. The commercial center was Bialystok. According to Holsche's description, this resulted in shops being overflowing, with hundreds of ducats being sold daily.

The Jewish merchants of Bialystok were exceptionally energetic. They regularly traveled to Frankfurt, Königsberg, and Leipzig to conduct large-scale business. All of the merchants in Bialystok were Jewish.^[14]

According to an authentic report, during that time in the “District of the Chamber of Commerce,” there were 76 Jewish shopkeepers for every six Christian shopkeepers. Trade and crafts were in Jewish hands.^[15]

Conversely, Bialystok experienced no industrial progress during the German occupation. The new power attempted to introduce and expand linen weaving and flax processing only for its own needs because establishing this industry there was contrary to its interests. Instead, the Germans wanted to use the new province to export their industrial products through Jewish merchants.

And even later, under Russian rule, the Germans continued this activity. Merchants from deep Prussia began settling here and opening businesses, as evidenced by an advertisement in the July 13, 1805, “Intelligenz-Blatt” newspaper.^[16]

As in Branicki's time, crafts continued to dominate the new province.

[Page 27]

In general, there is no doubt that crafts developed strongly due to the increase in the urban population. However, we find no information on how the artisan class and craft guilds were organized during this period.

The Prussians also improved postal services. Previously, the court sent its correspondence through its own couriers. Now, a postal service was established that ran twice a week between Bialystok and Warsaw, and between Bialystok and Pultusk, beginning in 1796.

All the residents who depended on it waited impatiently for it. From Pultusk, foreign correspondence was forwarded to Berlin.

The Medical and Sanitary Chamber looked after the health of the population.

One interesting detail is a report from July 19, 1805, about a dog bite caused by a rabid dog. A five-year-old Jewish girl was bitten by a dog. Her parents treated her with the help of simple peasants until she contracted rabies and died. The report concludes that anyone bitten by a rabid dog must immediately report to the nearest doctor or paramedic; otherwise, they will face severe punishment.

The Prussians also improved the city's firefighting capabilities. Even then, there was a special fire station. According to a decree, any citizen who noticed a fire, no matter how small, had to inform the fire station. The station would then alert the city by ringing bells, blowing trumpets, and beating drums.

Meanwhile, the Prussians began reorganizing the schools to gradually restrict the use of Polish. The quality of education improved, and the shul was converted into a high school for Germans (1802). Children from the surrounding area also studied there.

High school teacher Friedrich Wettler opened a library and reading room in Bialystok. These were sold to Gebhoier and Erhardt in 1804. The library was located in Gebhoier's house at 23 Vashlikover Street, which belonged to a Jew named Leib Ezra.

However, the Germans did not enjoy their new province or their rule over it for long. Napoleon Bonaparte appeared on the scene and defeated the German armies at the Battle of Jena and in other battles. He finally captured Berlin, forcing the Prussian government to flee to Memel [Klaipeda]. The Poles rejoiced, thinking their redeemer had arrived.

[Page 28]

An atmosphere of hope and lively activity prevailed in the Bialystok Department and its capital in 1806 and 1807. The Polish army began to organize, and various rumors spread. Through the Jewish Post (then written by a man named Sikorski) news of the French approach was received. Suddenly, the German army began marching out of Bialystok. Shortly thereafter, the French arrived and were greeted with great joy by all the inhabitants of Bialystok.

Meanwhile, the final conference was taking place in Tilsit. The ninth point of the Treaty of Tilsit, signed in July 1807, handed the Bialystok Department over to Russia. This was done to create a natural border between the Principality of Warsaw and the Russian Empire.

Thus, after twelve years of German occupation, Bialystok was handed over to Russia.

Clause 9 of the treaty divided the former Bialystok Department into two parts: One part, including the districts of Lomzha, Suraz, Marimpol, and others, became part of Warsaw. The other part, including the districts of Bialystok, Bielsk, Sokolka, and Drohiczyn, became permanently part of Russia. This area was renamed the “Bialystok District (Oblast).” A special commission was appointed to determine the precise territorial division.

Original footnotes:

1. see Moscicki, the cited work, pages 65-68 Return
2. It is worth mentioning that the secretary and chief writer of the government in Bialystok at that time was the well-known German novelist Theodor Hoffmann. Return
3. See Holsche's work, cited in note (4) to the introduction, volume I, Berlin, 1800, pp. 29 ff. In his tendentious manner, Moscicki did not include the entire section, but deliberately skipped all the places where Jews were mentioned. Return
4. None of this can be found in Moscicki's work. Return
5. At Babrowski we find that in 1808, while Bialystok was united with Russia, 6,000 inhabitants should have already lived in Bialystok, two thirds Jews and one third non-Jews: Poles, Russian Uniates and Germans. Return
6. According to Jewish legend, Branicki promised a turkey to every merchant who wanted to take over a shop. Return
7. Once again, Moscicki left out an entire passage here. Return
8. According to Moscicki, the Prussians confiscated the premises of the Polish high school. Thereupon, the old “Pritste of Branicki” gave the high school accommodation in her palace (the cited work, p. 70). Return
9. The mention of the Jews is actually made by Moscicki. Return
10. In his “Das Neue Geographische Magazin”, 1, Halle 1785, p. 83 Return
11. Ibid., p. 31 Return
12. One should not think, as Moscicki does, that the description of the Prussian writers about the neglected state of Bialystok at that time is completely tendentious. (see his Bialystok Monographie, p. 70). Return
13. Compare: Moscicki, the cited work, pages 71-75. Return
14. As Holsche puts it in his cited work, Volume 1, page 154. But what did Moscicki do? He added a word, “meshtshanes!” [mieszczanie, non-Jewish Polish citizens] Return
15. Robert Schmidt, Handel u. Handwerk in Neuostpreußen [Trade and crafts in New East Prussia], Goettingen, 1910, p. 14; P. Bloch, “Das Jahr 1793, “ p. 592; Louis Lewin in “Monatsschrift fuer Gedichte u. Wissenschaft d. Judentums” [Monthly Journal for Poems and Jewish Studies], No. 59, p. 183. Return
16. There is information that Jan Rubak moved his business to Bialystok. His business included tobacco, light bites for punch, lemonade, and other goods. Return

Translator's footnote:

1. Contents in [ ] are from the translator. Contents in ( ) are from the author. Return

On July 15, 1807, Russian soldiers marched into Bialystok. The German government was replaced by the Russian government. After Bialystok fell to Russia under the Peace of Tilsit, Russian Tsar Alexander I bought the [Branicki] Palace from the Prussian king for a set price. He paid 200,383 thalers for the furniture, plants, and orangery with its trees.

On October 27, 1807, Alexander I issued the first manifesto for the region of Bialystok in Russian and Polish. In it, he assured citizens that they would retain their rights and privileges.

On July 25, 1808, he signed the statute establishing the Bialystok “oblast” [administrative district], with its capital in Bialystok. This statute created the following authorities: a governor, a police chief, a magistrate, and a “golova” [mayor], who had to be Christian.

[Page 29]

Additionally, two municipal “starostas” [city elders] were appointed – one Christian and one Jewish – as well as four individuals from the gmine [community], including two Christians and two Jews. Together, they formed a fully autonomous municipal corporation. The “shlyakhte” [noble class] received significant privileges with a council that elected a “marshalek” every three years: the “Predvoditel Dvoryanstva” [leader and representative of the nobility]. This council had custodianship over aristocratic interests.

During the first months of Russian rule, the “Krakower Pritste” [the wife of Branicki II] still lived in the palace. However, she had no influence on the course of events and died soon after (in 1809). After her death, the palace was renamed “The Tsar's Palace,” and governors lived in part of it.

The mood among the people was not uniform. Most were content, primarily with the fact that they had rid themselves of the harsh and tyrannical German government. For some of the “Polyakn” [non-Jewish Poles], it may have played a role that they felt closer to the Russians than to the despised Germans, as they are both Slavic peoples. Thus, the years dragged on. However, as 1812 approached, the “Polyakn” began to nurture new hopes. Just before the Great War of 1812, the Russian government intensified its espionage activities around Bialystok. Colonel Turski was at the helm of these activities in Bialystok. A state of war was declared in a number of governorates, including the Bialystok region.

The French army soon crossed the Russian border and began its major offensive. The Russian army retreated, taking all local officials with them, including the “Polyakn,” who, however, fled to their homeland.

After capturing Vilna, Napoleon organized the liberated territory and established a temporary government [Government Commission] in Lithuania. The Bialystok area also belonged to this territory. Soon after, the solemn act of reunification between Poland and Lithuania, two sister states, took place in Vilna Cathedral. Bialystok also signed this act. A French corps under General Reynier then marched into the city. In addition to the regular soldiers stationed in the city, a National Guard was established and recruited from established city citizens, including masters and merchants, who were between 20 and 50 years old.

The Bialystok “oblast” regained its former Prussian-era name: “department.” The French general Reynier was appointed governor of Bialystok.

[Page 30]

They quickly set about organizing the Bialystok city administration through a nominated commission. Out of all the officials, only one Jew, Hirsh Myodovnik, was appointed, despite the fact that Jews made up the majority of the population. He was the only co-opted Jew; in contrast, the previous Russian government had allowed Jews access to almost all municipal institutions in Bialystok.

The explanation is simple: First, the Polish ringleaders among the French were hostile toward Jews. Second, Jews understood French less well than Polish “meshtshanes” [non-Jewish Polish citizens]. Furthermore, the Bialystok Jews did not believe in a French victory and therefore did not rush to take on responsible positions within the new government.

However, when twelve “politseyishe desyatnikes” [local police overseers] were appointed, each with a pension of 300 gildn (at a time of political unrest when the Jewish population was facing starvation), nine Jews and three Christians volunteered – after all, there were three times more Jews than Christians.

The nine Jewish “desyatnikes” were: Ayzik Hatzkil, Shabtiel Kaddish, Yeshaya Yankelevitsh, Eliyahu Hershovitsh, Motl Slave, Shloyme ben Gershon, Mendl Hersh, Shloyme Brukazh, and Volf Varshavski.

However, the joy lasted only a few months. Even before Bialystok and its surroundings could reorganize, Napoleon's power was broken. The provisional government commission [in Lithuania] received an order to move with all archives to Bialystok in case there was a danger of Vilna being occupied by the Russian army.

The danger came quickly and was so great that it was no longer possible to move to Bialystok. The commission had to settle in Warsaw, arriving on December 21. But that was the end of their rule: the Russians were back in Bialystok.

On December 26, the Russians marched into Bialystok without a fight, pursuant to an agreement between the Austrian garrison stationed there and the advancing Russian commander, Adjutant General Vasilchikov. The Austrians withdrew and Vasilchikov entered the city, where the Russians remained for over 100 years.

The Russian government initially behaved quite liberally. In December 1812, Tsar Alexander issued a manifesto offering amnesty to all recently convicted “criminals.”

[Page 31]

This was done on the condition that they all return to their peaceful work. The repression only began years later.

Bialystok suffered greatly during the War of 1812, even though the city was far from the battlefield. (It even housed the temporary French administration of the “Grand Duchy of Lithuania.”) The French caused only about 750,000 rubles' worth of damage in the vicinity of Bialystok, while the entire Grodno Governorate suffered losses of around 29 million rubles and about 4,000 residents were killed^[1].

In Rozhinoi, the French confiscated large quantities of cloth and furs from Jewish manufacturers^[2]. There is no information about Jewish losses in Bialystok itself. Apparently, they were not significant, as the elders^[3] I met had no recollection of them when I arrived in Bialystok.

Original footnotes:

1. Исторические записки о событиях в Гродненской губернии 1812 года, стр. 444 [Historical Notes on Events in the Grodno Province in 1812, p. 444] Return
2. Erinnerungen aus dem Feldzug des Saechsischen Korpus [Memories from the Campaign of the Saxon Corps], Leipzig, 1829, p. 101 Return
3. A French soldier shared a small piece of information. In Bialystok, the Jewish landlord where they were quartered gave him and his comrade a clay pot, but they didn't like it. The landlord replied that he couldn't give them a metal pot because it would become unkosher and unusable for him. (See F. Peppler: Description of My Captivity in Russia from 1812 to 1814, p. 145). Return

Translator's footnote:

1. Contents in [ ] are from the translator. Contents in ( ) are from the author. Return

Later, Bialystok endured great hardship during the Polish revolutions of 1830–1831 and 1863. Many bloody battles took place around Bialystok when the last uprising broke out.

Nearly the entire Russo-Polish War occurred in this area. The city itself was unaffected, however, due to its large military garrison. Many Bialystok residents participated in the fighting and later ended up in the Siberian taiga.

As late as 1865, 111 revolutionaries, including four Jews, were imprisoned in Bialystok.

[Page 32]

In 1830, a cholera outbreak in Bialystok and the surrounding area claimed thousands of victims. In response, Jews opened the central cemetery on Bema Street, also known as the Cholera Cemetery.

After the cholera epidemic, famine struck. In the face of crop failure, inflation soared, placing terrible pressure on the population.

A few years later, Bialystok lost its status as the capital of the governorate. According to a Tsarist decree on December 18, 1842, it was transformed from a capital city into a “povyat” [district] town, an “uyezd” [Russian equivalent of “povyat”] town of the Grodno Governorate. Previously, the governorate was called “Grodno-Lithuanian,” recalling earlier times of Polish independence.

A police report from 1863 describes what Bialystok looked like:

“Even then, there were 100 shops in the town hall [Breml]. The most beautiful house on the market square was Yitskhok [Yitzchak] Zabludow's stone house, where city festivals and events were held and distinguished guests, high officials, major aristocrats, and large landowners stayed.

In 1841, the Branitsky Palace was converted into an institution for the daughters of noblemen. At the entrance (according to the description) is a beautiful building with a clock. The former Zvyerinyets [zoo] has become an unfenced, semi-public park open to everyone. After leaving the palace and crossing the Biala, you will see a water mill. Further along small Mill Street is the long, wide Stare-Boyare Street, where there are several beautiful, modern-style houses. These include the two-story governor's house, the high school grounds, the post office, and several private stone houses (Vaynreykh's house).”

Apparently, what is called “Stare Boyare” is part of today's Warsawer Street (formerly Aleksandrovske Street). It is difficult to imagine what it looked like.

The Jewish Cemetery, which is extensive and densely covered with trees, lies in the southern part of the city, between the Lutheran and Catholic cemeteries.

The city has a total of 30 streets, a third of which are paved. Since the early 1960s, Bialystok has flourished tremendously. It is developing into a major center of trade and industry.

[Page 33]

The city had 416 commercial and industrial enterprises by 1895, up from 171 in 1857. By that same year, Bialystok had already grown to include 56 streets and 33 alleys.

From 1870 to 1899, there was a flurry of construction activity. Four brickyards operated during this period, producing a total of 800,000 bricks per year. However, this was still insufficient.

The municipal fire station protected the city from fire. Between 1800 and 1870, 18 fires occurred in the city, the largest of which was at Mendel Zilberblat's tobacco factory. On June 30, 1896, an extremely large fire occurred, and part of Nay-Velt burned down.^[1]

In 1898, the Volunteer Fire Brigade Organization (BOSO) was founded; its main founders and members were Jewish.

The Bialystok water main was built in 1889, initially by Moshe Trop and later by engineer Altukhov. In 1891, the telephone system began operating with 360 subscribers. A German company commissioned the power plant in 1910. In 1912, all shares were transferred to a Belgian company.

Here we present an overview of the population statistics of Bialystok at various periods:

In 1807, when Bialystok was united with Russia, the population was approximately 6,000. Two-thirds of these were Jews, the rest being composed of Poles, Russians, Uniates, Germans, and Tatars.

In 1830, the proportions within the population were equal: 9,248 residents (with 611 houses and 180 businesses).

In 1857, the population was 13,787, of which 9,547 were Jews (70%), 3,005 were Roman Catholics (22%), 700 were Protestants (5%), 285 were Pravoslavne [Russian or Greek Orthodox] (2%), and 10 [sic] were Muslims (with 760 houses).

In 1895, the population was 62,993, including 47,783 Jews (76%), 4,040 Pravoslavne (6.4%), and 3,600 Protestants (5.7%) (with 4,204 houses, of which 1,161 were stone). The Jewish population increased by almost 500%.

In 1913, the population was 89,700: 61,500 Jews, 11,000 Belarusians, 6,000 Polyakn [non-Jewish Poles], 5,500 Germans, 4,000 Russians, 1,500 Lithuanians, and 200 Tatars.

[Page 34]

On December 19, 1932, the population was 91,207. Divided by religion: Jews 51.6%, Catholics 38.6%, Pravoslavne 6.2%, Protestants 3.2%, other Christians 0.3%, and other denominations 0.1%.

According to the census of November 1, 1933, the population was 94,337.

The municipal budget, which amounted to 53,453 rubles in 1847, had already reached 345,159.36 rubles by 1914.

The current increase in the Polish population in Bialystok was achieved not only naturally but also artificially by adding several Polish villages to the city, such as: Antonyuk, Bialystoczek, Doilid, Marczuk, Dzheshentsin, Horodnyan, Orodnitshki, Pyetshurki, Skorup, Staroshelts, Slobode, Vigode, Wisoko-Stotshek, Zatshishe and Zvyezhinyets (Zvyerinyets)–a total of fifteen villages.

The city's area was artificially expanded from 2,700 to 4,400 hectares with the intention of making Bialystok a larger Polish city in which Jews would no longer form the majority. Consequently, the Jews boycotted the first postwar Polish magistrate in Bialystok.

Original footnote:

1. The warehouse of my factory on neighboring Rozhander Street burned down in the fire, too. Return

Translator's footnote:

1. Contents in [ ] are from the translator. Contents in ( ) are from the author. Return

« Previous Page Table of Contents Next Page »

  Bialystok, Poland     Yizkor Book Project     JewishGen Home Page

Copyright © 1999-2025 by JewishGen, Inc.
Updated 09 Sep 2025 by JH