[Page 84]

“Lovely and pleasant during their lives, in their death they were not separated” (II Samuel 1, 23)

The town of Wysokie–Mazowieckie is very dear to my heart, as some of its residents were my relatives. Whenever I came to visit, I felt that all the residents were related to me–Grandmother and Grandfather lived on one street, my uncles and aunts on both my mother's and father's sides lived on another street, and all were notable citizens of the town. This is why I cannot –and do not want to – ignore my special connection with the town, in order to describe it impartially.

I must admit that I am certainly not objective towards the town, as I always considered it more handsome and generally better than the other towns of the region. As a child, I studied there, as did my entire family, and enjoyed the sense of holiness and purity there. The townspeople's struggle to exist and to make a living refined their spirit. Even the least educated resident was more spiritual, and strove for improvement more, than the educated non–Jews who lived in the town and its environs.

[Page 85]

There were great scholars in Wysokie. Even in that generation, when great rabbis and scholars served in the small towns, these “householders” were unusual in their fluency and intellectual ability. Each of them had brought considerable knowledge from the great yeshivas where he had studied; over time, each had further deepened his knowledge. These scholars did not use their education to make a living. They were traders, who sat along the prestigious east wall of the synagogue.^[1] First of all, I must mention my uncle, Rabbi Gershon HaLevi Broide (may his memory be for a blessing), who was eventually appointed Rabbi and Moreh–Tsedek in Suwalki, though he lived in Wysokie for most of his life.^[2] I would also like to mention a nearby neighbor to whom I was very close – the scholar and Ger hasid, Rabbi Ya'akov Levis Sladki (may his memory be for a blessing). Although he was not officially appointed rabbi in the town, he substituted for the rabbi if the latter was away, and was the de facto rabbi of the Ger hasid im in the town.^[3]

There were many scholars in the town; even the shopkeepers and artisans would study some Talmud between the afternoon and evening prayers. Some of them were very astute, others were leaders of Polish hasidic groups. They included intellectuals – young people who had studied at universities abroad. Among them were some of my family members: Dr. Isser Ratski, and my cousins Dr. Sima Zakimovitch and Dr. Golda Zak (both had received M.D. degrees from the Prague university). They had deep religious and secular knowledge; Judaism was part of their personality, and they enriched the town and its environs.

The elderly rabbi of the community, Rabbi Aharon Yaakov Perelman (may his memory be for a blessing) was at the center of community life. He had studied at the Volozhin yeshiva, and was the town's Rabbi for over fifty years.^[4] In addition to his eminence as a scholar and and legal authority, his brilliance, intelligence, and gifts as a leader, qualified him for the authority of the town rabbi; all the affairs of the town and its environs were decided by him. The surrounding towns of Shepetova, Dombrovka, Serdinice, Wysonek, and others were under his authority.^[5] Good, modest Jews had lived in these towns for generations, and Rabbi Perlman took care of their needs.

There were schools, such as a yeshiva for young children, and a number of elementary religious schools. I remember the voices of sweet young children on the street leading downhill. I visited that street on Friday afternoons, in order to hear the melodious sounds of these young voices as they studied the weekly Torah portion. I well remember the regular tests in the kheyder, when my uncle, the knowledgeable and sharp–witted scholar Alter Zak, would come and administer the tests–as well as the gifts of money that the best students would receive.

All that is gone now. My heart aches for the town of Wysokie, with its great men and children, its old and young, its schoolboys and older youths, its wealthy and well–off, its famous and its modest, its hasids and men of action, its simple working class. I no longer have the strength to lament them.

[Page 86]

“Mourn as for an only son, most bitter lamentation” (from the Lamentations for Tish'a Be–Av).^[6] “Mourn as for an only son” is interpreted as mourning for all the victims of the Holocaust. May their memory be blessed forever and ever, may their souls be bound up in the bundle of the living. “Blessed is he who comes, and waits, and sees the rising sun illuminate your dawns, in which your steadfast share the happiness of your lost youth, restored as it once was.”

Translator's Footnotes:

1. The most important men of the community had seats at the eastern wall of the synagogue, nearest the Ark of the Torah. Return
2. Moreh–Tsedek is a legal scholar who makes a decision in cases of Jewish law where previous authorities are inconclusive. The town of Suwalki had a large and important Jewish community. Return
3. Ger Hasidism was founded in Góra Kalwaria, Poland, in the 19^th century. It is one of the largest and most influential hasidic groups worldwide. Return
4. The prestigious Volozhin yeshiva was active in the 19^th century and until the outbreak of World War Two, in the town of Valozhyn, Belarus. Return
5. I was not able to identify these place names. Return
6. The first quote in this paragraph is from Jeremiah 6, 26, and is part of the lamentations said on the ninth day of Av, the traditional date of the destruction of the Jewish temple in Jerusalem. The second quote is from a poem of longing for Zion by the great medieval Hebrew poet Yehuda HaLevi, also included in the lamentations for the Ninth of Av. Return

It was Monday, September 14, 1936, three days before Rosh HaShana–the day of the weekly market. As usual, traders had come from Łomża, Bialystok, and other towns in the area, bringing goods to sell to the peasants from the region, who came to Wysokie to sell their produce and buy goods that they needed.

The tension was noticeable from the early morning on. Unsavory characters started appearing in the marketplace, harassing the shopkeepers, threatening them, and demanding that they not unload their wares. The traders ignored them and set up their wares in stalls. The “picketers” (guards) upset trade all day, inciting the peasants not to buy from the Jews.

Up until 3:00 p.m.–in other words, as long as the peasants were still selling their produce – things were more or less tolerable. However, after 3:00, disturbances began. The bullies overturned the stalls and damaged the goods; the stall owners, mostly women, were beaten up. At 4:p.m., a whistle signaled the next stage (apparently, overturning stalls, damaging goods, and beating women were the preparatory phase). Dozens of bullies, soon joined by hundreds of peasants, rushed the Jewish shops, beat and stabbed the shopkeepers, and plundered the wares. Not only the Jewish shops were attacked, but their homes as well. Stones hailed down on their windows, and countless panes were smashed. Attempts were also made to break into the homes. Once the pogrom began, many shopkeepers abandoned their shops and wares, and fled for their lives. Many goods were carried away, or damaged. Some Jews were seriously wounded and needed hospital care.

It is worth noting that throughout the duration of the pogrom (until past 6:00 that evening), the police took no steps to control the situation. According to a different version, the district governor, the local chief of police, and a number of policemen were on the street the entire time, who spoke with the bullies and tried to calm them down, but were unsuccessful.

[Page 87]

Once the pogrom was over, the leaders of the Wysokie community informed the Aid Committee of the Warsaw Jewish community, the Joint, and Senator Professor Moshe Shur of the calamity that had occurred.^[1] Mr. Volkovitsh, the secretary of the Aid Committee, communicated twice with the heads of the Wysokie community, and immediately sent a special messenger to investigate and promise aid to those in need. Prof. Shur wrote to the Interior Ministry and reported the information he had received, with special emphasis on the local authority's lack of initiative to prevent the disaster and to control events after they began. He also demanded that the Ministry instruct the governor in Bialystok to take immediate steps so that similar episodes should not happen in the towns of Sokoły, Zembrów, and others. The Interior Ministry immediately contacted the Bialystok governor and ordered him to suppress any attempt at violence.

The Jewish Polish–language newspaper Nasz Przegląd was the first to send a special representative to Wysokie to report on the pogrom.^[2] On September 19, 1936, the day after Rosh HaShana, a detailed report appeared in the newspaper; below is an extract from this report.

“… The closer we get to Wysokie–Mazowieckie, the more the catastrophe that has overtaken this unfortunate town is noticeable. Evidence of destruction is everywhere. It is impossible to make even a superficial estimate of the damage. Should we walk from house to house and count the number of broken windowpanes, demolished windows, smashed ovens, broken tools and instruments? There are no accurate numbers of injured people. About thirty wounded were transferred to Łomża, Warsaw, and Czyżew. Seven casualties are in Zembrów.

On Thursday, the first day of Rosh Hashana, the governor of Bialystok, Mr. Kortikos, visited Wysokie–Mazowieckie, and issued some urgent orders.^[3]”

The newspaper's representative concludes his report as follows: “The mood in the city during the two days of Rosh HaShana was that of fear, doubt, and tears…”

The day after the pogrom Dr. Vaynberg of Bialystok came to examine the injured and make a report. His list includes 23 wounded, whom he examined in the community office. Their names are:

1. Yisakhar Zlotolow, aged 26, who had been standing in the market at a stall selling notions and blue dishes (kitchen wares?). The marauders beat his back and hands with sticks. He has back pain, and one hand is bandaged.
2. Yitzkhak Hertz, aged 30. He was hurrying to save his sister's wares at her stall. He was wounded on the forehead and nose. One side of his face is swollen.
3. David Ogorek, aged 21, a grain merchant. He was stabbed in the back with a knife.

4. Nekhama Ederman, aged 65, a baked–goods seller. She was beaten with an iron bar to the head. her nose and one eye are swollen.
5. Khaye–Gitl Ribak, aged 76, a milk–deliverer. Her head was hit by a stone.
6. Batya Zlotolow, aged 17. She stood by a stall. She was hit in the eye.
7. Shlomo–David Briker, aged 41, a water–carrier. His head was hit by a stone.
8. David Kamenetzky, of Buczki. He was bruised, and his wares were discarded and scattered.
9. Binyamin Zlotolow, aged 25. He was wounded in the head.
10. Betzalel Malakh. The pogromists scattered ten bolts of white cloth that he owned, and he was bruised on the head.
11. Hirshl Blum, aged 68, a peddler. He was beaten on the head.
12. Esther–Gitl Butshian, aged 70, a dealer in second–hand white cloth. She was wounded by a stone. Her face is swollen.
13. Tzivia Shchingl, aged 20, a seamstress. She was beaten over her knees with a stick.
14. Batya Zlotolow, aged 28. Her hands were bruised.
15. Dina Shlyukhter, aged 38. Her hands were injured by a bowl.
16. Brayna Zlotolow, aged 48. She was beaten with a stick and has bruises all over her body.
17. Hirsh–Leyb Burak, aged 48, a bath–house attendant. He was injured in the head.
18. Sara Tsimbel, aged 35. Her hands were bruised.
19. Hirsh Karbet, aged 55, a tailor of ready–made clothes. He was bruised in the head by a stick.
20. Shmuel Tabak, aged 18, a yeshiva student who was helping his mother in a stall of manufactured goods. He was hit in the hand with a stick.
21. Hinda Yakovnitzer. She was standing near her house when a peasant driving by in his cart gave her a blow to the head.
22. Mordekhai Vrubel, aged 40, a water–carrier. He was bruised in the head.
23. Zelig Vongerka, aged 72, owner of a water mill outside the town. He was injured in both hands and is in serious condition. He was in his house when a hooligan burst in and wanted to beat him. The old man ran from the house to the stable. His attacker chased him with an iron bar. The old man begged him, “Don't kill me. Have I done anything to you?” The hooligan struck him in the head with the bar. Luckily, the old man was able to cover his head with both hands, and thus survived. The old man began to weep: “What have we come to? My mill has been serving the peasants for over twenty years. I have never offended anyone, and always lived peacefully with the peasants.”

The reporter for the Bialystok Yiddish newspaper Undzer Lebn, who came to Wysokie on the eve of Rosh HaShana, describes the general mood in the town, and presents some details (which we include here, somewhat abbreviated).^[4] The reporter was accompanied by a few journalists and by Dr. Vaynberg, mentioned above.

[Page 89]

“The entire Bialystok region is infected with wild anti–Semitism. People ascribe this to the activity of the previous government representative, a member of the Endecja (the most reactionary and anti–Semitic political party in Poland).

… We pass the village of Jablonka. Our Jewish taxi–driver says that two Jewish families, who owned taverns, had lived there. As early as a few weeks ago, he saw the sign “Polska Restauracja” (Polish Restaurant) on the taverns. He was told that the peasants of Jablonka threatened the two Jews with setting their homes on fire if they did not leave the village.

The trip from Bialystok to Wysokie–Mazowieckie, over 50 kilometers, took slightly over an hour.

We enter the market, and the unusual conditions in the town are immediately evident. All the shops are closed, except two, which have signs “This is a Polish store.” Groups of people are gathered and talking in various corners of the market.

We were surrounded by dozens of Jews the moment we exited the car. When we asked why the shops were closed, the community's representative replied that the Aid Committee's meeting had decided to close the shops until the county governor, Dr. Swiakewicz, promised that peace would be restored.^[5]

As we look around, the most noticeable thing are the blank windows and the broken panes. The municipality lists 1600 broken windowpanes, 170 broken gates, three sewing machines, three smashed ovens, and damaged wares valued at thousands of złotys.

Community clerk Watnik leads Dr. Vaynberg into the reception room for examining those wounded.

The community headquarters is near the House of Study, whose windows were also broken. It consists of two rooms, recently remodeled, with new furniture and large pictures of national leaders on the walls. Vaynberg examines the wounded, notes their names, and the type of each individual injury. The headquarters soon fills with dozens of Jews with bandages, eye coverings, etc.

…We leave, to take a look at the town. Broken windows stretch as far as the eye can see. On one street, there is a single undamaged house among all those with broken panes. This is because it is the home of a Christian midwife. It seems that the hooligans carried out their outrages according to a clear plan. The windows were broken even in a dilapidated wooden house, considered the oldest building in town. The pogromists did not spare even the most miserable hovels. Many of the windows were broken by stones large enough to kill a person, had they struck one.

[Page 90]

We enter the home of a Jewish seamstress. The floor is littered with parts of a demolished sewing machine; the poor seamstress is standing and ironing the dresses she had already made. How will she earn a living now?

The Jews in the town tell us about the course of events. A few days before market day, the peddlers from the nearby towns asked whether attacks by hooligans were anticipated. The response was that the local authority had promised that order would be strictly kept and that the market day would be peaceful. And in fact, the police kept closer guard that day, and reinforcements were sent to Wysokie.

… We decide to visit the county governor, Dr. Swiakewicz. Inside the government building, we meet a Jewish delegation (including the rabbi) that had just emerged from the governor's office. The deputy mayor, the Jewish Ya'akobi, demanded that the authorities pay damages to the injured. The governor ordered the shops to be opened, and informed the delegation that all steps had been taken to ensure that such events would not recur. They also told us that, during their meeting, the governor had made serious accusations against the local police, which had apparently not changed their habits from before he was appointed governor. He also notified the delegation that the chief of the local police had been suspended from duty.

We are told that the governor will see us shortly, but the Bialystok district governor, Mr. Kortikos, suddenly appeared and went directly into Dr. Swiakewicz's office. This visit left a strong impression on the entire population; however, the interview with the press was canceled.

The day after Rosh HaShana, a Jewish delegation was seen by the deputy Bialystok district governor. This delegation included the head of the Bialystok community, Mr. Lifshits, the head of the Wysokie–Mazowieckie community, Mr. Bielski, and the community clerk, Mr. Watnik.

The delegation gave a detailed report of the pogrom, emphasizing several dramatic details that made a strong impression on the deputy governor, Mr. Grzobinak. He was especially shocked at hearing about the acts of the hooligans when they saw the 200 chickens that the Jews had bought from the peasants for the holiday. The chickens were locked in cages; the pogromists broke the cages open and strangled the chickens. He was also impressed by the report of the hooligans breaking into a house in which seven sisters lived and earned a living using a single sewing machine; the machine was smashed to bits.

The deputy governor promised the delegation that the authorities would prevent any future attempt at rioting and would suppress any acts of violence. He also asked the Jews of Wysokie to carry out a detailed survey of the events of that day, and present it to the district authorities.

As mentioned, the new Bialystok district governor, Mr. Kortikos, came to Wysokie,

[Page 91]

and was interested in what had happened. He made a detailed investigation, and ordered the arrest of several suspects who were the organizers and perpetrators of the attacks on the Jews. It emerged that some of the hooligans had come from other places; almost all of them were “Endek” activists.

(The data about the pogrom in Wysokie–Mazowieckie are from the newspapers Undzer Lebn of Bialystok, Haynt, Moment, and Nasz Przegląd.)^[6]

“I wish to express my deep sympathy with the catastrophe you have undergone, and send you good wishes for the New Year, in my own name and in that of millions of American Jews. I promise you that your sufferings are shared by the congregations of tens of thousands of synagogues where Jews are gathering during these holy days. Your torturers and enemies are our torturers and enemies as well. May this be some consolation to you.”

The Jews of Wysokie responded to the great author by telegram through the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, as follows:

“To the great Jew and artist!

We thank you for your telegram of sympathy following the events of September 14 in our town. We want to tell you that your words of consolation strengthen our faith – and that of the entire Jewish nation – that the great wrongs done us will finally be recognized by humanity.”

Translator's Footnotes:

1. The “Joint” (American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee) is a Jewish relief organization founded in 1914. Return
2. Translator's note; This was the most popular Polish–language Jewish newspaper in Poland, published daily between 1923 and September 1939. Return
3. I could not find any reference to a governor by this name; the governor of Bialystok between 1930 and 1937 was apparently named Stefan Kirtiklis. Return
4. The Yiddish daily Undzer Lebn was published in Bialystok in the 1930s. Return
5. I could not identify this name. Return
6. The daily newspaper Haynt was published in Warsaw from 1906 until 1939. The daily Moment was also published in Warsaw, from 1910 until 1939. Return

[Page 98]

On February 17, 1937, the trial of the pogromists who rampaged against the Jews in Wysokie–Mazowieckie on September 14, 1936, began in the district court of Łomża. The judges were as follows: deputy president of the district court, Judge Sarkowski (Chief Justice), with judges Beblowski and Bandrzikowski. The prosecutor was Muszowski. Twenty hooligans were accused. The defenders were the infamous Endecja lawyers, B. Jerzowski and E. Mieczkowski. The civil prosecutors were the well–known Jewish lawyers, H. Erlikh of Warsaw, and Benyamin Groysbard of Łomża. The only defendant who did not appear was Jozefa Becker.

[Page 99]

Most of the defendants had no more than an elementary education, except for the main defendant, Jozef Wyszinski, who had completed four years of secondary school. There was another “intellectual” among the defendants: František Stawierew, an accountant at the farming cooperative in Dombrowka. Most of the defendants were peasants, except for one tailor, one construction worker, and Jadwiga Beker, a thief by profession. She was indeed brought to the court from prison.

“On September 14, 1936, during the fair held that day in Wysokie–Mazowieckie, members of the Endecja blocked the Christian population from shopping at Jewish–owned shops and stalls. The Endeks were organized in groups of three and five.

At first, their activity was relatively peaceful. However, in the afternoon, when thousands of peasants were at the fair, rioting began at the Jewish shops and stalls. On the one hand, some of the Christians were unwilling to follow the incitement of the Endeks and continued their shopping activity regardless of the tumult; on the other hand, the Jewish shopkeepers drove away the “boycott squads” from their shops.

At about four p.m., a loud whistle echoed through the market – a pre–arranged signal – and the fight crews attacked the Jewish–owned shops and stalls, shattering windows, and beating Jews.^[1] The pogrom started simultaneously in various parts of the town.

It was difficult to control the situation under these conditions. When the police began to use rubber batons to disperse the rioting crowd, they were met with a hail of stones, shards of wood, and kitchen tools. Some police were injured. The rioting continued until 6:30 p.m.

…About 300 windows were broken and 1146 panes were shattered in 120 Jewish homes. Dozens of stalls were destroyed, and the wares in them were damaged. Thirty people were bruised, among them two gravely wounded.

The total damages to the Jewish population were estimated at about 6000 zloty.”

The defendants, some of whom were well–known thugs and inciters, took an active part in overturning stalls, beating Jews, and flinging stones at the windows of Jewish homes and shops. There were three women were among the defendants: the above–mentioned Jozefa Beker, a thief; Zofia Leonjok; and Jadwiga Beker. They supplied the ruffians with stones, and helped to overturn stalls and break windowpanes.

[Page 100]

The prosecution brought over 70 witnesses, among them the governor of Wysokie, Dr. Jozef Świątkiewicz, as well as a number of high– and low–ranking police from Wysokie, and the police commissar of Wysokie county. The court has several medical certificates about Jews who were beaten and injured during the pogrom.

The account of the trial continues:

“After Judge Bandrzikowski read out the indictment, the defendants' statement were heard.

Defendant No. 1, Wyszinski, states that when he went into the Endecja office he did see several young people “politely” suggesting that the Christian customers not patronize Jews. Afterwards, when the crowd was rioting, he was not in the market, but in the house of an unknown woman named Szilewska. It is clear from his statements that he was the secretary of the Endecja in Dąbrówka.

Prosecutor Muszowski: If the defendant is innocent, as he states, why did he remain in hiding for four weeks?

Defendant Wyszinski: Because the police arrest “innocent people” every time there is an anti–Jewish operation. I did not want to be arrested, so I hid.

Attorney Erlikh (civil prosecution): Is the defendant only the secretary of the Endecja in Dąbrówka, or did he serve in the same capacity in Wysokie?

Wyszinski: I am also head of the Czyżew area.

Attorney Jerzerski (defense): Did Mr. Wyszinski receive an order from the party chairman, Attorney Jursz, to refrain from questionable exploits?

Wyszinski: Yes.

“The second defendant, Leon Dombrowski, stated that he is the county head of the Endecja in Wysokie–Mazowiecke, and that he received a letter from Party Chairman Jursz informing him that anti–Jewish “exploits” were being planned for September 14, and that he should not participate in them.

Attorney Graubard (defense): Did the defendant have a whistle?

Dombrowski: No.

“Defendants St. Tyminski and Jozef Kaczerowski state that, for two days, they had “noticed” youths preventing Christian customers from entering the Jewish–owned shops. Defendant Tomasz Zlotowski admits to lingering with the crowd, but only out of curiosity… Defendant Jozef Goloszewski admits inciting a boycott of the Jewish stores and preventing Christian customers from entering them, but that was all… He states that he saw overturned wagons that were full of merchandise, but that he does not know who the guilty party was. Defendant Stawierew states that he is a member of Endecja, and that he was in Wysokie–Mazowieckie on the day in question…but did not participate in the events.

[Page 101]

Attorney Graubard: Were you carrying a stick?

Stawierew: Yes.

Chief Justice Sarkowski: Was the operation organized?

Police Commissar Poprocki: Yes.

Chief Justice Sarkowski: Was it organized by the Endecja?

Police Commissar Poprocki: Yes, although the county head of the party published a declaration calling for calm.

Attorney Graubard: Did the declaration reach its addressees?

Commissar Poprocki: Yes.

Attorney Graubard: In that case, how did the pogrom happen after all?

Commissar Poprocki: The large numbers of young people had been incited.

Attorney Erlikh: Did Mr. Commissar hear that the pogrom was organized according to a system of “fives”?

Commissar Poprocki: Pickets.

Attorney Graubard: What is the difference between “pickets” and “fight crews”?

Commissar Poprocki: “Pickets” are quiet calls for a boycott. The “fight crews” use violence.

Attorney Graubard: Removing customers forcibly from a shop – would you call that “pickets” or “fight crews”?

Commissar Poprocki: There is no doubt that it was a “fight crew.”

Attorney Graubard: Preventing customers from entering a shop – is that a “picket” or a “fight crew”?

Commissar Poprocki: (Embarrassed silence) “Pickets.”

The other defendants responded similarly to the questions of the Jewish attorneys and the prosecutor.

After the statements of the defendants, the Court begins to hear the testimony of eyewitnesses. Most of them are common people, artisans, and owners of shops and stalls. In simple terms, they begin recounting the course of events. They identify most of the defendants as active participants in the pogroms, walking up to them, pointing at each, and saying their names.

The eyewitness statements of representatives of the Wysokie authorities and police were especially interesting.

The first witness was the deputy county governor, Jan Fronckewicz. He said that the county authorities had received credible information that a pogrom would break out in Wysokie on September 14, and added that the county governor, Dr. Świątkiewicz, had ordered the arrest of one man who had incited the youth to break windows. It became clear during the investigation that the man was Franciszek Stawierew, a name that he had often encountered in connection with Endecja activities. Among other things, Fronckewicz recounted that thanks to the intervention of the county governor, Dr. Świątkiewicz,

[Page 102]

the regional head of the Endecja, Attorney Jursz, sent a letter to party activists in Wysokie instructing them to refrain from acts of violence towards the Jewish population.

The next witness was Alexander Poprocki, formerly chief of police in Wysokie who was now the police commissar in Bialystok. He gave a detailed account of the course of events, describing how the county governor begged the crowd to refrain from “exploits.” In answer to the Endecja attorneys, Poprocki notes that if the Jews had restrained themselves and not raised an outcry when a stall was overturned, the pogrom would not have reached such proportions.

Attorney Graubard responded immediately, asking him: “Mr. Commissar, do you think that if a person's stall is overturned – and furthermore, he receives a blow to the head – he does not have the right to cry out?” The embarrassed Poprocki replies, “Well, of course.”

The lower–ranking police officers also give detailed accounts of the course of events that day, identifying and naming the defendants who participated in the pogroms.

After hearing the indictment, witness statements, and defense attorneys, the district court of Łomża ruled that five defendants should go free, for lack of evidence, and thirteen were sentenced to 6–10 months of imprisonment. All those convicted appealed the sentence.

The trial of the Wysokie pogromists in the Warsaw appeals court took place on September 1, 1937. The civil prosecutor representing the defendants was Erlikh. The Endecja hooligans, who were not present at the trial, were represented by attorney Jerszerski, a member of Nara.^[2]

Prosecutor Jackiewicz proved that the defendants consistently used terror tactics and attacked innocent people, and that perpetrators of such crimes should be severely punished, and that the sentence passed in the district court of Łomża was too light for such acts of violence.

Attorney Erlikh's speech was brilliant. It included statements such as, “The fact that even though many stalls were overturned and their wares were damaged, and many shops were robbed, the damages did not exceed 6000 zloty, is clear evidence of the poverty of the Jewish population of Wysokie–Mazowieckie. This is the penniless population on which war was waged, in order to starve it. The pogromists' claim that the riots broke out because of Jewish provocation is both ridiculous and despicable. How can Jewish provocation be claimed, considering the fact that the Jews of Wysokie–Mazowieckie are only a small minority within a much larger Christian population?

“A boycott of Jews is not a new phenomenon in Poland. As early as in

[Page 103]

1912, the notorious ‘patriots’ of Dmowski's school declared an economic boycott of the Jews of Poland. Then, too, Wysokie–Mazowieckie was a victim of that ‘ultra–patriotic’ operation.” He went on to ask: “What is your right to declare an economic boycott of part of the population, of people who pay taxes and fulfil all their obligations to the authorities?!”

Attorney Erlikh mocks the opinion of Poprocki, the police commander in Wysokie. Poprocki, who said in the district court of Łomża that if the Jews had not reacted by screaming, the riots would not have reached the dimensions they did. “How can one remain calm,” says Erlikh sarcastically, “when shops are being looted, furniture is being broken, windowpanes are shattered, merchandise is damaged, and innocent people are beaten? Are people in this situation forbidden to raise their voices and scream?!”

He continues, referring to the statement of the Wysokie governor that boycott “pickets” are legal, and violence is the only thing that is prohibited. But we all know, adds the civil prosecutor, what the results of these “pickets” are. Furthermore, four weeks prior to the events, there were rumors in town that “something” would happen at the fair on September 14. It is therefore clear that the riots were pre–planned. In addition, according to the statements of the police witnesses the Endeks decided at their meeting to hold a “black wedding” in Wysokie–Mazowieckie on September 14.^[3]

The defense's attorney, Nara member Jerszerski, reverted to the traditional Endecja argument that the rioting in the town was caused by Jewish provocation. He did admit that pickets were standing near the Jewish shops, but that the leader of the Endecja youths warned picket members not to fall prey to the Jewish provocations. The Endecja, announced Jerszerski, boycotted the Jews not out of animosity but out of necessity. He quoted the classic statement of Premier Skladkowski, “Boycott –by all means!” Jerszerski claimed that the Jews were interested in causing an uproar in order to gain international support. The fair would have proceeded peacefully, were it not for the Jewish provocation.

The general prosecutor then spoke, refuting the ridiculous argument of “Jewish provocation.” Breaking 300 windows is not an accident, and acts of violence must be punished.

After long deliberation, the appeals court ruled, confirming the verdict of the district court in Łomża concerning all the defendants, except for six. Because of their youthful age, their sentences would be carried out at a different time. The appeals court justified its verdict, arguing that the violent acts of the defendants were not necessary, contrary to the claims of the defense, and that the perpetrators of such acts must be punished. Therefore, all the defendants must serve their sentences.

(Information about both phases of the trial was taken from the Yiddish daily Haynt and the Hebrew weekly BaDerekh.)

Translator's Footnotes:

1. The writer uses the Slavic term boyovka for “fight crews.” Return
2. The Nara organization was founded on April 14, 1934, by the militant youth wing of the Endecja. Its extremely anti-Semitic program was based on Hitlerism. Return
3. In Jewish tradition, a “black wedding” is performed at a time of crisis, such as an epidemic. The reference here is unclear, but may imply a terrible disaster. Return

[Page 111]

September 1936. It was fair day in Wysokie. The market square was bustling with stalls and peasant wagons. The commotion was great.

Suddenly, pickets appeared at the Jewish shops. Young Polish men and women stood at the entrances and did not let the Polish peasants into the store.

These were the last days of my life in Poland, just before my emigration to the Land of Israel, after the major pogrom in Przytyk, and after the “By all means!” statement by the Polish premier, which permitted an economic boycott of Jews, and popularized the slogan “Poles buy only from Poles.”^[1] In theory, there was nothing new about the appearance of the boycott pickets at Jewish shops, but in actual fact, the Jews of Wysockie were shocked when this happened at their own shops.

I remember my mother's continued agitation: she knew several of the young women who picketed our shop: they came from well–off families, and were university students who had come town for their summer vacation. There was also a son of a family that did business with us; his father owned an estate, and had no commercial ties. My mother scolded them, telling to be ashamed of their deeds; but the young Poles were not ashamed. On the contrary, they viewed the boycott pickets as carrying out a Polish national mission. Someone yelled at our shop, “Go to Palestine!” At that moment I thought, “True, that is the solution that I chose. True, I had an immigration certificate (as a Hebrew University student), but the gates were closed to others. They faced a growing tide of anti–Semitism accompanied by an economic boycott.”

Like the Jews in all other towns, the Jews of Wysokie found it difficult to accept the ever–increasing anti–Semitism, and tried to view it as a temporary aberration. However, the phenomenon was deeply rooted in Polish–Jewish reality. These roots had become evident in recent years, in changes that had occurred in the market: Polish–owned shops began to appear. Young men from peasant families were coming to the towns and trying their hand at commerce; when they discovered that Jews were more successful because they were more experienced, the “new shopkeepers” grew jealous of the Jews. Even more envious were “potential shopkeepers” who were planning to move from the villages.

Two years later, when I came to visit my parents, I found that the desire to undermine the success of others was expressed by a wave of mass demonstrations calling for war against Czechoslovakia. Feelings ran high, and people felt that the annexation of a small region would solve all of Poland's problems. All the young Poles of our town gathered at the Pilsudski monument in the market square, and swore to fight to the death for the liberation of Zaolzie.^[2] Two years earlier, the monument had been the

starting point for the pogrom against the Jews of Wysockie.

[Page 112]

The events of that Monday can hardly be called a pogrom, as the young Jews were not passive, and fought back against the hooligans. Actually, not too long before, when conscription was being conducted, Polish conscripts tried to riot and tear out the beard of a Jewish shop owner (I think it was Berish Tsukertszvayg, who owned a shoe store on the market street). Young Jewish men, including Fishke Yakovtshiner, Yeshayahu Perlman (the rabbi's son) and others, organized and showed the rioters that provoking the Jews was not worthwhile but could end in hospital; this was the case with several of the rioters. However, the rioters apparently did not learn their lesson. After they tried to attack the store of Zak and Zakimovitsh in order to drive away the Polish customers and rob it, and were chased off by Simkha Ze'ev Zak (who held them off with an iron bar), a whistle sounded. The pickets retreated, and immediately afterward attacked Ubagevitsh's stall, near the Pilsudski monument. Other Jewish stalls were also broken up, the merchandise scattered, and a hail of stones was directed at the Jewish houses. The great rampage began, while the police stood by helplessly. Many windowpanes were shattered, but the rioters were unable to enter the houses and rob them. Young Jews organized and drove the rioters away. Suddenly a shot rang out. The Poles claimed that the Jews had fired, but the Jews did not admit to that. In fact, however, the rioters scattered after the shot, taking their wounded with them.

A day or two later, a delegation of the JDC came to Wysokie, to examine the damages sustained by the Jews. The Jewish press published articles about the pogrom, which further depressed the spirits of the Jews in Wysokie. They felt that the Poles were undercutting their residence in the town, their livelihood, and their very existence. Even though the damages were not great, they felt that the world they had labored to create for generations had been destroyed.

The Jews of Wysokie could not accept this new reality, although signs of the approaching storm could be seen. For years, the Polish regime had not concealed its intentions to hamper the activities of Jewish shopkeepers and artisans, and thus destroy their livelihood. The pogroms were simply the extreme manifestation of the Jews' unstable situation. That was my feeling when I left Wysockie for the Land of Israel, the day after Rosh HaShana of 5697.^[3] I first traveled to Constanta, Romania, and boarded the Polonia for the sea journey. There was another family from Wysockie on board: the Wiecha family, which was emigrating in its entirety, including the children, to join their family members in Hadera. I was on my own. Regardless of my joy at emigrating to the Land of Israel – which I had dreamed of and trained for – I was bothered by the thought that perhaps I was not doing the right thing by fleeing from a sinking ship. True, no one could have predicted the terrible catastrophe; but the thought that I was embarking on a new life while there, at home, I was leaving a family in a world that was bound for destruction, did not leave me throughout the sea trip.

At first glance, the country I was bound for, was also, of course, racked by riots.^[4]

[Page 113]

The Arabs were on strike, attacking Jews, and there were skirmishes with Arab gangs. On the other hand, the home town that I had just left had suffered only some broken windows; but the feeling was different. My feeling proved justified. Although the riots in Palestine were still raging when I visited Wysokie in the fall of 1938, Europe was overshadowed by the Munich crisis, which was known in Poland as the Zaolzie crisis. Nationalist sentiment swelled in Poland.^[5] Goering, Hitler's deputy, passed through Wysockie on his way to hunt in the Białowieża forests, and I was once again aware of the great tension among the town's Jews. They were consumed by the question of whether the Germans would be allies of Poland. Over the thoughts of an uncertain future loomed the present–day reality of impoverishment in families that were well off only a year or two earlier, and now faced want.

Friends who had stayed in the town sent very depressing reports of a decline in Jewish fortunes; this was in line with a seminar paper I had written the previous winter at the Hebrew University for Prof. Arthur Ruppin, about the increasing destitution of the Polish Jews.^[6] As I gazed around me, I shuddered. At first, I thought that it was the contrast between the modern, spacious houses of Tel Aviv and Jerusalem and the wooden houses of Wysokie. However, it was the conversations with my friends in the youth movement: they all believed that there was no future. There was no hope for Wysokie, and the gates of Land of Israel were locked…

I began to view Wysokie differently than I had as a young person. This was a romantic, unhappy Wysockie. I sometimes think that the blue–painted wooden houses are sinking, and shrinking, and I hear the cry of young people seeking emigration to the Land of Israel for creativity and a better tomorrow.

Translator's Footnotes:

1. The Przytyk pogrom, perpetrated by Poles against Jews, occurred on March 9, 1936. Return
2. The area of Zaolzie is now in the Czech Republic Return
3. The date was September 26, 1936. Return
4. During 1936–1939 there were anti–Jewish and anti–British riots in Mandate Palestine. The period became known as “the Arab Revolt in Palestine.” Return
5. On September 30, 1938, a settlement was reached in Munich, Germany, between Germany, Great Britain, France, and Italy that permitted German annexation of the Sudetenland, in western Czechoslovakia. It is widely regarded as an act of failed appeasement towards Germany, and a precursor of World War II. Return
6. Dr. Arthur Ruppin (1876–1943) was a Zionist thinker and leader, who founded the Department of Sociology at the Hebrew University Return

  Wysokie-Mazowieckie, Poland     Yizkor Book Project     JewishGen Home Page

Copyright © 1999-2024 by JewishGen, Inc.
Updated 25 Mar 2021 by JH