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[Page 469]

On the Ruins

 

Translated by Tina Lunson

Our shtetl [little town] is desolate as a cemetery and in this desolation still hangs the uproar of those for whom no one had any mercy. Each name – an open wound that tells of huge wonders, of fine, honest Jews who lived here warm, quiet and happy, and blessed with the power of simple speech, with the smell of fresh rye bread and with great belief in God the merciful and forgiving.

Oh, fine and strong Jews of our shtetl, with your virtues and demeanor were like bits of heaven over the Tarnogrod earth and so are you etched in the memory of the surviving Tarnogrod Jews. Your entire life in today's time is no more than a long-vanished story. But the longing for the fineness that you carried within yourselves and left as an inheritance for the survivors can never be stilled.

The soul of the shtetl has been taken away. It has been extinguished, has breathed its last. It looks like a throwback to its original condition hundreds of years ago, before the Jews had arrived and it was just a small peasant settlement. Now we come to the horrible, sticky filth of the horrendous crimes that were committed here which we will never forget.


[Pages 470 - 481]

Tarnogrod's Surviving Remnant

by Nachum Krymerkop

Translated by Tina Lunson

The war had ended and the few Tarnogrod Jew left alive, who had saved themselves from the murderous hell, began to present themselves in the light of day. The Jews came out of the forests and from the bunkers and various hiding places provided for them by a few good-hearted Christians. The Jews turned back to Tarnogrod with the hope that the war was over and the Jews who had fled to Russia would return and they could begin a new life in Tarnogrod. They intended that the shtetl [little town] would once again become a Jewish settlement.

The Poles in Tarnogrod thought differently. One night they attacked the remnant of living Jews and beat them, robbed them and warned them to leave the town right away. The warning was accompanied by the threat that any Jew who remained in Tarnogrod would be killed.

For less than one year the surviving Jews lived in Tarnogrod and sought in several ways to find livelihoods to support a life and waited calmly, hoping, that other Jews would return and that life would be regularized. But their hopes were false. The danger of death still hung over their heads and they had to leave their homes and go away, some to Lublin, some to Wroc³aw, some to other German cities that belonged to Poland and where it was easier to rent an apartment, in place of the Germans who had been driven out and had returned to Germany.

It appeared that the Tarnogrod Jews' attachment to their town was so strong that even after the night of attack by bandits some families remained, thinking that the danger would pass. In 1946, when the last victims -- Ozer Wachnachter's wife and 6 month-old daughter and Chaim Weiner from Bilgoraj – were murdered by the Polish bandits, not one Jew dared to stay in Tarnogrod.

No more Jews in Tarnogrod. The Jewish houses, remaining empty places, went to ruin, vestiges of destruction, and the earth around them sprouted wild grasses.

A few houses remained around Lakhever Street, on Rozshinitzer Street and on the market square, on the side where Yentche Lemer had lived. Those houses were snatched up by the Poles, who lived in them and dealt in the shops and used the things that had been left there.

In the shop where the stately-looking Jew had stood and weighed out merchandise with his honest hands now stood Makhiek and did the same with his piggish hands. Instead of a mezuzah at the entryway, a cross was drawn.

In Tarnogrod not all the Jewish houses were burned, but were sold by the Germans once all the Jews lay in the mass graves. They sold them to the non-Jews from the burned-out and demolished villages. In 1945, when there was once again a Polish government, the Poles sold Jewish houses with the goal of cleaning them out and leaving empty places. A special committee was created by the authorities at the time to deal with this. Ninety percent of he Jewish houses in Tarnogrod were wooden so it was easy to dispose of them.

I was in Tarnogrod during those days and saw the Poles tearing apart the remaining Jewish houses that they had bought from the government and loading the lumber onto wagons and driving away with it. I went to the town hall and called on the Polish committee with a protest against the sale of the Jewish houses. I reproached them, that there were families of the killed Jews in Russia who would soon come back home and would want to live in the remaining houses. They answered me with derision and irony, that the town could not take it upon itself to protect the houses that were robbed and sacked by the peasants, who took off the doors and windows and also the wood siding. Thus it was better that the houses be sold and when a relative from Russia announced himself he could receive the money that had come from the sale.

The prices were negligible. But the true intentions of the city fathers were clear to me then. They were selling the houses just then when they had heard that Jews were beginning to return from Russia. They did not want the returning Tarnogrod Jews to come back to town and so were doing everything so that they would have no place to rest their heads and would be forced to leave Tarnogrod.

Such were the plans of our former neighbors in those days, and they carried their plans out. So they finished with the last Jews, with Azriel from Maydan Shinovski, with Shmuel from Borvits, with Rivka and Pesza from Bishtsh, with Mordechai Lipe Adler, with Itsik Egert.

 

Along the Streets of the Victims

Among the Jewish ruins, I saw straying in the empty places moldy pages from a prayer book, detached and decaying sheets imprinted with the Holy Name, stuck together with dust and mud. A child's summer cap rolled about someplace, and the wind played with a sack, chasing it to and fro in the empty space. Among the ruins lay a child's shirt, torn and molding. It was sad wandering through Tarnogrod streets, looking into the windows. The stones, the houses -- everything screamed with that scream of the most horrifyingly violent deaths that anyone can conceive of. The few passers-by looked at me strangely, with suspicion. In their eyes, faces, I could read the suspicion: What is he looking for here, this stranger? Has he come here to demand his due for an injustice that one of our current residents has done to him?

And I looked these people in the eye searchingly. Perhaps there would be a name, a familiar face, who could repeat for me the gruesome history of all that had happened on this soil. I felt so lonesome and needed to have someone with me who would help me shake off the horror of those days, help to demand justice, to cry out… I saw how non-Jews were wrapping their treif sausages in torn Talmud pages, to take to market. I was silent, mute, could not find words for my pain, and I thought: God, do You see how people are wrapping pig flesh in your Torah? Why are You silent?

I stood alone in the empty market square. A strange emptiness engulfed me. The same market and yet so strange as to be unrecognizable. It was the realization of the evil dream of the Polish anti-Semites who had fought even in the early days to have the Jewish shopkeepers thrown out of the market. But even they had not imagined back then that the realization of their dream would also remove all the Jewish householders from the Jewish homes. All those Jews, who had built up – from an empty piece of meadow – a bustling center of trade and craftsmanship that provided necessary supplies for the residents of the town and for the surrounding villages.

Here in Tarnogrod, at the Jewish blacksmiths, tailors and shoemakers, carpenters and harness-makers, the peasant repaired his plowing tools, his wagon or sled, had his clothes resewn or got a pair of boots or a coat for the winter. And they worked, those Jewish craftsmen, for bread and water.

How much life those Jews had brought to the whole area. The market was always full of them. Standing around in groups and chatting. Arguing with one another. Now not one of them. All is as though emptied out, asleep, dead.

 

Last Sparks Under the Ashes

I already knew then that among the surviving Jews from Tarnogrod and the surrounding villages who succeeded in evading the German hangman and hiding in the forests, in
underground hide-outs at a peasant farm, some for money, some without, were Eliezer Wertman, Mordechai Lipe Adler, Chaim Adler and his wife, Lipiner, Shlomo Yehoshua Adler and his sister Tobtche, Malka Herbstman, Eliezer Lumerman, Avigdor Gut, Efraim Lumerman and his wife and children, Avraham Haler and his wife and children and also his sisters, Shmuel Borvitzer, Hersh Weltz, Teme Trinker, David Entner. All of these survived in the Józefów forest. David Entner was later murdered by Polish bandits outside Tarnogrod. Weltz killed a German in Frankfurt several years after the war. He tricked the German into coming to his home under the pretext of selling him gold, and he killed him there.

Also remaining alive were Sara Magram, Sini Groyer, Neche and Sara from the village Babitsh, Simcha Knochen, Teme and her two brothers, Krigsner from the village Bishtsh, Shlomo Sprung from Fatik, Azriel Korngold. They were all hidden by peasants who were well paid by them.

Also among the living were Rivka Lustrin, Mindel Klug, Rivka from Bishtsh, Itsik Egert, Ozer Wachnachter and his wife Pesza. They survived on Aryan papers.

Staying alive in camps were Yentche Melamed's grandson, Zelik Tryb, Sarale Fiter, Mendel Silberzweig. Simcha Statfeld and his son survived in the Lemberg (Lviv, Ukraine) ghetto and later in the forest.

All these survivors who thought that they could stay in Tarnogrod had to leave the town and settle in Lower Silesia, with the hope of emigrating from Poland later. The single dominating thought for everyone was Erets Yisroel [land of Israel].

In Tarnogrod the big shul [synogogue] and the beit midrash [house of study] remained whole. But the Poles later built a coach house in the place of the beit midrash which they demolished. They turned the shul into a storehouse for various kinds of merchandise.

There is no trace of the old cemetery in the place where it had been. There are only unclean things there today. All the matseyves [gravestones] have been torn out. All the trees cut down. The Germans used the matseyves to pave the road to Rozanietz. The graves have become even with the earth, beaten down by paths and trails that the Poles have ground down as ways to the town. There is no sign of any grave.

The three fresh graves of the Wachnachters and Weiners are also effaced. The brick ohel [crypt] that held the remains of the Kreszówer Tzadik (see page 275) and Tarnogrod Rabbi has also been torn down. There is no evidence of the generations of holiness with which the Tarnogrod Jews encircled this place.

How terrible is the obtuseness of the remaining Poles. The holiness of that place is much greater and more fearful than that of an ordinary cemetery. This is the cemetery of a world that was murderously cut down. Everything that reminds us of that world must be held as holy and dear. There is no designation for those who desecrate it so brutally, so un-humanly, with animal boorishness.

We will never forget the murder of our shtetl, of our slaughtered people. We will carry eternally the debt that we owe our murdered Tarnogrod Jewish families, who with their last shout of “Shema Yisrael!” also demanded revenge for their innocent blood's out-pouring.

Honor all our dearest and best, who were so gruesomely slaughtered by the Hitleristic and Polish murderers!

 

Stones Along The Border

In 1946 Jewish refugees from Russia began coming home, including those from Tarnogrod. In their minds Tarnogrod remained their old home. With that word, home, they got by in far-off Russia. They who traveled home did not think that the home was already long gone, that the German devils had ripped up their homes roots and all.

Only with their arrival in the towns did they set their eyes on the destruction and perceive that the earth on which they trod was soaked with Jewish blood.

Already at the border their transports were attacked with stones and with Poles shouting “Jew, death awaits you!” All the refugee transports were turned toward the German cities that now belonged to Poland. The Jews felt somewhat safer there. More than 80 percent of the houses were vacant. The previous German residents had fled to the American zone. In those cities and towns, the Tarnogrod Jews who had lost their homes also set up their new homes temporarily. No matter who you spoke with then, there was always the call “How do we get to Eretz Yisrael?” But that promised Jewish land was closed and protected by the English military so that no Jew could sneak in illegally.

In those days the Brikha movement [organization that transported Holocaust survivors into Palestine] began to operate. Hundreds and thousands of young people, led by Eretz-Yisrael Haganah [volunteers protecting Jews] fighters, began to organize the refugees and help them to cross the borders to Germany, Austria and Italy where camps had been set up and from there they could take various routes – all very dangerous – to the borders of Eretz. But there were several reasons that Jews become chained to their new places. Some remembered later and wanted to travel out but it was too late, the Brikha was no longer working and the Polish borders were already closed.

The Tarnogrod residents learned, meanwhile, about the misfortune that had befallen the Jewish victims who were murdered by the Poles, and the refugees were afraid to travel into Tarnogrod. And the road back involved deadly dangers. The Polish underground army, the A. K., was set up in the forests and lay in wait for Jews passing through, whom they murdered in savage ways.

Only in the 1950s, when the Polish underground army was liquidated, did some of the Tarnogrod Jews who remained in Poland, decide to travel to Tarnogrod and there to sell their inherited properties, for which they had not received any payment. And later those same Jews, with the opening of the gates to free immigration, made aliyah [immigration] to Israel. And there are still some Tarnogrod Jews in Poland, working in various posts.

During the time when the Jews fleeing Poland found themselves in the specially-made camps in Germany and Italy, the Tarnogrod Relief Committee in America sent packages of food and clothing to the Tarnogrod Jews in the camps. The Committee was headed by Itche-Ber Adler as president and Berel Tryb, secretary.

When the Jewish state was proclaimed – a state located among nine Arab countries – there were Tarnogrod Jews among the volunteer fighters who came out of the camps: Moshe Rosenfeld, Shmuel Eliyahu Futer, Chaim Bornstein, Moshe Treger and Itche Weintraub, the last of whom fell in a battle with the Arabs. As soon as the stream of immigration began – after a cease-fire – many Tarnogrod Jews made aliyah to Israel. Unfortunately some could not arrange it and some of them went off to various American states, where they managed with help from the Joint Distribution Committee and the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, which also helped them to find livelihoods.

 

The help from our American Landslayt [countrymen]

The Tarnogrod Jews in America had founded the Tarnogroder landsmanshaft [organized society of countrymen] several decades before, according to the example of all the other Jews from various villages. They had their own shul and their own cemetery. These landsmanshaften met once a month and accepted new members, and at special meetings decided whom to give help to and how to help their landsleit on the other side of the sea.

The Tarnogroder landsmanshaft took in all the newly-arriving refugees from Tarnogrod without fees and helped them in every possible way to get on their feet.

The Relief Committee had been concerned even before the war with the poor Jews in Tarnogrod. They had sent aid, especially for Passover and other holidays. After the war, when the Committee was led by A. B. Adler and Secretary N. Krymperkop, and later when the president was Lumerman and the secretary Fink, there was a regular stipend for poor Tarnogrod Jews in Israel. The Relief Committee in America also took upon itself the whole responsibility for publishing this Yizkor Book. A money stipend was promptly sent to Israel for the first expenses for the Yizkor Book by Yosef Schorer and Avraham Kremer.

My brother Avraham took me to a meeting of the society as soon as I arrived in New York. At the time the governance was composed of Proisengarten, President; Yakov Stiglitz, Financial Secretary; M. Baumfeld, Minutes Secretary; A. B. Adler, Chairman of the Relief Committee; Berel Tryb, Secretary.

The society took me in with heartfelt friendship and accepted me as a member without dues, and proposed to me to be secretary of the Relief Committee with a stipend of 50 dollars a year, which was considered a gift. I accepted the proposal and immediately took on the work of helping the Tarnogrod Jews in Israel.

The whole time that I was in America, I was occupied with the idea of creating a monument to our martyrs, the murdered Jews of Tarnogrod, and being Secretary of the Relief Committee and I often suggested that idea, mentioned and proposed, that we erect a matseyve to our martyrs. Everyone's reply was positive. Everyone understood the importance of that act, but the difficulties lay in gathering the financial help necessary for carrying out the project. Difficulties are presented so that we may overcome them, and I did not give up on the idea, and brought up the matter at a meeting with the administration of the society. Unfortunately there were those who did not want to deal with the matter as urgent, and they set it aside for a later time.

Time does not stand still. One administration dissolves and another takes its place. The positions were taken by the newcomers, the greenhorns. Yosel Schorer became President. A meeting was called, and only a few members attended, and I was called upon to present my proposal to erect a memorial in the cemetery for Tarnogroder Jews in New York, a special tombstone for the murdered martyrs.

The proposal was accepted with the condition that the erection of a matseyve be approved by a specially-called general meeting. That decision calmed me. We were certain that everyone at the general meeting would value the moral significance and not oppose the erection of such a memorial.

Among those attending the general meeting was former president of the Jewish Council in Tarnogrod, Sini Groyer. Along with him came his brother Zischa and a few other organized members of the society, Tarnogrod sons-in-law, and they opposed the decision to erect a memorial.

The proposal failed and that was a hard blow for me. I could not comprehend that Tarnogrod Jews, who had survived that horrible hell, would not understand the importance and the respectability of erecting a matseyve to the memory of our dear tormented families. I experienced a deep embitterment and disappointment and thought that something must be done for the memory of our martyrs. I decided to take on the project with my own strength and not to ask anyone for any help.

 

The Stone on Mount Zion

My disappointment caused me to renounce my duties as secretary of the relief committee. During that time I harbored the idea of going to Israel. In my plan it would be possible in a few years. But now the rejection of the idea of erecting a matseyve, made me quicken the pace for the plan and I hurried my trip to Israel.

Immediately upon my arrival in Israel I began with my own resources to erect a matseyve on Mount Zion in Jerusalem. Approaching the realization of this task called for assembling a meeting of Tarnogrod Jews in Israel. The meeting took place in Haifa, in the home of Yekhezkel Tofler. We discussed what the inscriptions should be on the matseyve. I also asked for the help of people who would travel to Jerusalem and decide which wall of the Holocaust House the matseyve should be mounted in.

I also met with the unexpected opposition of one person who maintained that there was no need for a matseyve, and who declared that the Tarnogrod Jews in Israel had never given such an idea any thought and were not in agreement about the importance of such a monument. Tzvi Rozenson stayed actively on my side and others also agreed. We went to Mount Zion together with Shmuel Fefer and wrote out the style of the inscription and showed the stone-carver which wall to place the matseyve into.

The unveiling of the matseyve was on May 1, 1960. Moshe Sprung sent out the invitations to all the Tarnogrod Jews and a fine audience attended. All were satisfied with immortalizing the memory of the martyrs from our shtetl.

Being in Israel for five months, I was in contact with many fellow landsleit and I could feel their satisfaction and understanding about the importance of the matseyve on Mount Zion. I was very touched by the evening gathering that the Tarnogrod landsleit organized at Golda Egert's home. We sat around two covered tables. People shared memories about life in Tarnogrod. People discussed questions having to do with the American Relief Committee, about the urgency of establishing a free-loan society and a committee charged with distributing the aid only to those in need.

At that same meeting we dealt with the issue of writing a scroll in which the names of all the martyrs from our shtetl would be written. Everyone accepted that proposal with great enthusiasm. Mr. Moshe Sprung sent out a letter to all the landsleit asking them to send in the names of their murdered relatives.

It was painful for me to convince myself of how few people responded to that initiative.


FROM A RUINED GARDEN

The Memorial Books of Polish Jewry

Edited and Translated by
Jack Kugelmass and Jonathan Bioyarin
With Geographical Index and Bibliography by
Zachary M. Baker
Published in association with the
United States Holocaust Memorial Museum
Washington, D.C.
INDIANA UNIVERSITY PRESS
< http://www.indiana.edu/~iupress/ >
Bloomington and Indianapolis

[Pages 481 - 482]

Searching for the Life That Was

Nokhem Krumerkop

Sefer Tarnogrod; le-zikaron ha-kehila ha-yehudit she-nehreva

Finding myself in Lublin when the war ended, I began to think about ways in which I, as a Jew, could travel to Tarnogrod, which entailed great dangers. At that time the Kelts pogrom also took place, costing the lives of forty Jews, and the anti-Semitic bands terrified every surviving Jew. Jews were warned not to ride trains until the hooliganism stopped.

But my heart was pained, and would not let me rest. Seeing the great catastrophe that had befallen the Jewish people, my desire to live was lost; but at the same time the Jew felt within himself the mission of continuing the lives of his slaughtered parents and relatives. Despite the most gruesome nightmares, he knew that he must continue living. To ride from Lublin to Tarnogrod with a beard like mine meant risking my life.

After considering all of the risks involved, I went to a barber and wept over my beard as it was cut off. I left long mustaches like those of a Polish peasant, put on peasant boots and a peasant cap, and set off for Tarnogrod at the end of May 1945.

I took the train as far as Zamoshtsh, where I met a few surviving Jews, slept at the home of a Jew, and set off on the train in the morning to Zvyezhinyets. From there I took the local train to Bilgoray.

It was hard for me to tell whether there was another Jew on the train. Perhaps he was disguised as a gentile, as I was. But all of the passengers were positive that there wasn't a single Jew on the train. It was hard to believe that a Jew would dare to travel on that line in those times.

When I arrived at Bilgoray, Polish coachmen stood in front of the station. They fell upon me, asking me where I was headed; each one wanted to take me. I stood mute for a while, searching with my eyes: perhaps Mendl Roshe's would appear, or Mendl Avel, or another of the Jewish coachmen of Tarnogrod, who used to drive to Bilgoray and back each day.

But my search was fruitless. None of them was left. Gentile wagons had taken their place. Having no other choice, I approached one of the Polish coachmen, and we settled on a fare to Tarnogrod. For a short while we both sat silently. He was the first to speak; I tried to answer as little as possible, so that he wouldn't realize I was a Jew. Then he pointed in front of himself with his whip and said:

“See, on both sides of the road are buried Jews whom the Germans shot. Jews from Tarnogrod, Bilgoray, and the surrounding villages lie there. The Germans knew what they were doing when they shot all the Jews. It was a good thing they did, and we should be grateful to them for it.”
The gentile sat talking with his back to me, and I sat as if petrified. As I looked around I saw that the entire road from Bilgoray to Tarnogrod was the same as before. Nothing had changed: the same houses, the same gentiles, the same women drawing water from their wells, just as before. Only the coachman wasn't the same. I no longer heard the rich Yiddish tongue and the Yiddish “Vyo, ferdelekh! Giddyap!” I no longer heard the melody of the prayer, “Let us give strength to the holiness of this day,” which Yoysef Magid used to sing as he rode with his passengers to Bilgoray. Depressed, I thought to myself: Where am I going, and to whom? Is there really no one left? Is it possible that an entire city of Jews was slaughtered?

Frozen in these tragic thoughts I arrived in Tarnogrod. I didn't want to ride straight into town, and asked the coachman to let me off near the factory at the Bilgoray gate.

There I met Sore Magram. She stood on the porch of her house, and looked at me without recognizing me. Seeing her, a Jewish woman of Tarnogrod, joy flooded through me for a moment. I approached her, told her who I was, and saw how she, too, was filled with the same joy.

 

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