[Pages 501-504]

Jewish Resistance in the Ghetto and the Camp

by Shavti Perelmuter, Tel Aviv, Batzeron


A

At the end of 1941, some Jewish youths succeeded in putting themselves in contact with a teacher from the Polish public school in a little town about 20 kilometers from Demblin. This Pole was recognized as a communist from before the War. The Jewish boys asked him to help them in their efforts to establish a partisan group in the forest of Kotzker. The teacher promised to give a reply in a few days.

The Jewish boys in the meantime began to interest themselves in getting weapons. Afterwards a messenger came from the teacher and told them that according to a decision made by the committee that was in charge of the partisans in the area, they had to provide a typewriter for the Polish underground. We knew that buying a machine was completely out of the question. We decided to steal the typewriter from the Judenrat office.

There was a curfew from 7 in the evening to 6 in the morning in place in the ghetto. Still, one of our group managed to sneak in at midnight to the Judenrat office, broke the door in and stole the machine, which, the next morning, found itself in the hands of the teacher.

When our group was ready to leave the ghetto, we waited for a sign from the Polish underground and then we learned that the Germans had uncovered the ruling Committee with the teacher at the head of it and shot everybody. So, from our great plan to escape the ghetto came absolutely nothing.



B

After liquidating the ghetto at the end of September 1942, the Jews who remained, about 900 of them, were housed in barracks near the airfield and had to work quite hard there. Besides that site a certain number of Jews were parceled out to smaller work groups in private German companies, like "Shultz", "Schwartz", "Lentz". There was also the group of 300 forced laborer employed at the train center and they were deported in 1943 to the camp at Poniatov. We knew that at the camp near the airfield there were serious attempts to get weapons, to organize escapes and to create an underground organization.



C

In our camp, there were 50 Jews from Preschov, Czechoslovakia, who had been deported from there to the Demblin ghetto. Some of them still maintained correspondence with Christian friends in their old homes. On a certain evening, 3 German officers, later it became known that they were actually Slovaks or Hungarians, came into the camp and after looking at people's documents they took 4 Jews from Slovakia who were taken back to Czechoslovakia.



D

In our camp there were one hundred Jews from the nearby town Ryki. In the winter of 1944 a group of 10 young people from Ryki organized and succeeded in escaping from the camp. They took weapons with them. As a punishment, the Gestapo came into the camp and made a very thorough search of all the people who were prisoners there and took money from them, gold and food. Afterwards they shot the very well thought of Jew from Preschov, Feit.

Afterwards we learned that the 10 escapees succeeded for 3 to 4 months in hiding out. Afterwards they were murdered by the A.K. (Armiya Krayova - Military Organization of the Polish Overseas Regime in London, which used to murder Jews who were trying to hide out).



E

In the summer of 1944 two pals of mine asked me to try to help them get a revolver. But first we needed to get some money together. They suggested that we should begin the collection as if it were for people who were in need. In the morning I with another friend went to our work. On the second day, a camp policeman suddenly appeared with dogs. We heard a familiar order barked out, "All men stampede into the outside for line-up!" We stood there on the open grounds and the head brute ordered that everybody who's first name was Shmuel should step out in front of the liner-up. Ten Jews did so and the police smacked them around and then took them away. Three hours later thy came back, bloodied and tortured. Afterwards we learned the reason for all of this.

The little boy Nateck who had contacted a Pole about the possibility of getting a hold of a pistol fell into German hands and after a very long third degree and torture he told them that a certain Shmuel in the camp who's family name he didn't know, ordered him to ask about getting a hold of a gun. The murderers went after the 10 Shmuels for that reason but they didn't find the right one among them, the 11 th one, who had been described to them. The police employed by the Germans together with the Jewish camp police began to look for yet another Shmuel, Shmuel Locks, is what we began to call him and found him in a moment when he was attempting to jump over the fence which was around the camp. This Shmuel put up a very heroic fight against the people who were trying to capture him. He beat them up, smashed them over the head, and wouldn't let himself be taken. It was only when they got a dog, which was able to snare him, that he was overtaken.

Afterwards the camp commander said that when the Germans finally got him, that Shmuel fell in a very heroic fashion.

On a winter night in 1944, a Jewish camp policeman suddenly ousted us out of bed. After realizing great terror, we asked him what was going on. He answered that I had been called to the camp commander Venkart. This was 11 at night. You have to understand that I was very, very upset and they were really rushing me, told me to make it snappy because Venkart was waiting for me and they didn't want me to ask any more questions, they just wanted me to get there.

I pulled on a half torn jacket and put on my wet shoes and I was so rushed I put my right shoe on my left foot, and my left shoe on my right foot. Angel [the policeman] was disgusted when he saw me with two different shoes on and screamed, "Faster!" To tell the truth, in general, I didn't really have much problem with the Jewish commander of police or with the other camp police. I never asked anything from them, I never asked them for any favors, but they didn't go out of their way to make life miserable for me.

At that point I put on my wooden shoes, I remember running very, very quickly and trying to find what this camp boss Venkart wanted with me in the middle of the night. Some kind of new order or restriction, some new danger that was upon us. But I wasn't among those people in whom he generally confided, to who he told his secrets. And so I was absolutely dumb founded, I didn't know what he wanted from me.

I put my clothes on, such as they were, and walked over to my friend, Yosel Shildkroit's bed and I told him the news of this unforeseen sorrow that seemed to be upon us. I was even more astonished to find he was already up and dressed and he told me that he'd also been woken up by the same guy Angel, and he too knew absolutely nothing about why we were being called.

So in Venkart's room there was a gathering of 10 people, because Venkart use to really like to have partner's in crime. He lay in bed. As soon as all of us came in, and apparently the two of us were the last ones to arrive, Venkart began.

"All right, everybody who I called is here now". And I ask all of you who are gathered here to believe me when I tell you that everything that I'm going to tell you now shouldn't stop you from telling me exactly what you think without fear, just let your conscious be your guide. But the main thing is you are compelled to keep what I'm going to tell you a secret as well as the decision which you're going to be partners to. Although I have a cold and the doctor ordered me to stay in bed for two days, I still found it necessary to call you here in order to share with you some information about things that are being planned by Jews in this camp and the results of these actions can be very, very serious, and they can even threaten the very existence of the camp."

All of our ears were perked up. The tension among the people who were gathered there was extremely great. Venkart told us that he had received confidential information that Meyer Kushner with his brother Moshe and Gershon Albek, were planning to escape from the camp in one of the coming evenings. But before escaping they wanted to murder him, Venkart and the German officer who was second in command. Of course, when the escape of three Jews from the camp combined with the murder of a German officer, the officials in charge from the Wermacht of the camp could easily liquidate all of the Jews in the camp. And without a doubt, the first victims would be the 30 children who were among us in the camp. Venkart suggested that we should agree that he should talk to the German commander and ask him to send these three Jews who were planning this deed to another camp so that they will spare the Jews in this camp the collateral damage that would come to them in revenge.

From the words of Venkart it became apparent to us who were gathered there that all of us were totally against his suggestion. Avram Rosenfeld explained his opposition and he said that to turn the Jews over to the Germans is just the same as giving them a death sentence.

Joseph Shildkroit said that all of this talk about people running away and killing people sounded pretty flimsy to him and just on the basis of this here say, it was ridiculous to turn people over to German hands.

And I myself was against Venkart's suggestion. I added to the responses of the other people that even if it were true that they planned to escape in this way, we have to remember that we're all sentenced to death in the first place. We were the last Jews remaining in the whole Lublin region. All of the surrounding work camps had already been liquidated. And who knows, maybe if these people did escape they would remain alive to be witnesses to all the horrors that we'd undergone and how we ourselves would be murdered.

After hearing our thoughts Venkart said that he would withdraw his suggestion because there wasn't any unanimity amongst us, but he did ask us to form a group which would every night guard the camp to make sure those that had been accused couldn't carry out their plan.

Those who opposed the first suggestion also were opposed to guarding the camp. But the rest who were among us said OK, that they would each night supply two people who were among us to stand watch.

I don't know how well they actually kept this promise that they made, but the main thing is that the Jews who Venkart wanted to turn over to the German commander survived the War.




[Pages 505-513]

The Martyr like Way of Yechiel Bantman

Recorder: Aba Bantman, Paris

To the memory of our sister Miriam, her husband Shlome and children Leah and Ahron who died at the hands of Nazi murderers



About our Family and Myself


I, Yechiel Bantman, was born in Demblin in the year of 1908. In January of 1925, my father died suddenly of a heart attack in the fullness of his life. My mother and grandmother, Faiga-Blime, as well as my brothers, Meir and Mordechai, remained without a way to stay alive. A year passed and our brother, Aba, left Demblin and made his way to Paris. He sent me the necessary papers and I arrived in the capital of France. Here I began to learn the trade of being at tailor. The city of light, famed for its museums, its great boulevards, its night life, was in the first years, for me, a great confinement and the scene of a lot of hardship and suffering. From 16 o 20 hours a day, I was virtually welded to my sewing machine and that in an era when there were very strict laws on the books and the police carried out all kinds of brutality on people who were immigrants or illegal workers who first of all, in this case, turned out to be Jews from Poland.



The Occupation of France

In the summer of 1940, Hitler's hoards invaded and Marshal Peten and Laval capitulated quickly to the German army. In October of the same year, the first anti-Jewish proclamation was issued, "All Jews had to come with their passports to the police station and register there." In January of 1941, there was a new order. The identity cards and food rationing cards had a special stamp put on them which was, "Jew". Also, among the French population there were oppressive measures imposed which demoralized people and created a sense of hopelessness. Only among the Jews, the situation was truly desperate. The newspapers, the posters on the wall, never seized to try to heat up the population against the Jews in their midst. Many French people began to collaborate with the Germans.

The winter of 1941 was a very cold one, but even more desolate and cold was to be found in the hearts of the Jews. Even the coming spring couldn't drive away the dark, heavy clouds which hovered over the heads of the Jews in occupied France. We waited for a miracle.

Little by little, I worked at my sewing machine until the 13 th of May, 1941 when I received a blue card from the police to show up at 7 o'clock in the morning with my belongings and said that family members could accompany me there or a friend.

After a sleepless night I went at the appointed hour to the police station. It didn't take long and hundreds of Jews with great fear and questioning in their eyes looked at each other, not knowing what was going to happen. About 9 o'clock we were taken down to the cells in the basement and put behind bars and separated, fathers and children, women and men, sons and parents. Each of these unfortunate people thought, "What's going to become now of those who are closest and dearest to me? Who's going to take care of their needs? Who's going to cheer them up in the darkest hour? And who's going to protect them from all of the dangers that lurk around them?"

The ones who accompanied us, our wives and children, and the men as well, were ordered to go home, and to bring the people who had been interred, a blanket with some bread. Half past 11 o'clock, they took us out of the cells in the cellars and put us into trucks and they took us to the train station, Oysterlitz, very heavily guarded by Germans and French collaborating police. At the train station thousands of Jews who had already been rounded up were to be found. It was a sea of heads. Until the order came, "Into the cars!"

And this was emphasized with blows and screams. And in this way the unfortunate Jews were stuffed into the cars in which, under normal circumstances, cattle would be carried. After traveling about 80 kilometers from Paris, we arrived in Bon-La-Rolon. On the ramp they separated us into 2 groups, one to Pitivye and the second to Bon-La-Rolon.



In a French Camp

About 4,000 internees, we found ourselves in the camp at Bon-La-Rolon, which was a wooden barrack surrounded by barbed wire and was very carefully guarded by police. They didn't take us to work there. There was no work to do. Every internee had a right to receive a package from home. But when he actually got his hands on it there was always something missing, either a third of what had been sent or a half of what had been sent.

In the beginning of July 1942, half of our camp was ordered to put its stuff together and they sent the Jews away in the direction that we couldn't figure out. Fifteen days later, the second half of the group was also told to get ready, to leave, and I was among them.

Again the ramp along the rail platform, the terrible cars, the German police who at that point took over from the French police. The doors were shut and we remained inside with our terror and fear in the sealed wagons, without water and without food. Human needs had to be taken care of right where we were and more than one of us ended up wetting our dried out lips with our own urine.



In Auschwitz

Our train arrived in Auschwitz camp about 4 o'clock in the morning. The doors on both sides of the wagon were opened wide for the half alive people who were suffering intensely. They were driven with rifle butts, whips and other kinds of batons, faster and faster, into the place where everybody was sorted out. The packages we'd taken with us, of course, had to remain behind in the car along with lots of dead people who weren't able to survive the horrifying journey which had taken 3 full days.

Here we encountered, once again, the first group from Bon-La-Rolon, and everybody from the camp at Pitivye. In Auschwitz there were also Germans imprisoned and Austrians and Ukrainians and Poles and Russians.

After the first segregation, they drove us into the barracks. Everybody received a little bit of canvas with a number written on it which the next day was tattooed on our arms. From this point forward we would be just numbers and nothing more. But one letter, H, adorned our backs. I was separated out into a group of 12 people which was called Kisen-Grave. At 6 o'clock in the morning we were ordered to get up. The Kapo, with his helpers, ran from bunk to bunk and would smack us over the heads and backs with sticks in order to drive us out of our hard beds and out to our slave labor. At the place where everybody had to gather, everybody received a little tin with a little bit of lukewarm tea and a very, very measly ration of bread. After screaming, "Get going!" all of the people from the different barracks began to march out to their various work assignments. At the gate there stood an orchestra which played marches and the slaves had to march to the beat in military style.

My group was given out a Kapo who was a German, and an S. S. man with a machine gun and a dog. After marching 10 kilometers we were ordered to stop and dig trenches for sewer pipes. This work was accompanied by blows and shots. Around 1 o'clock there was a whistle and they brought the meal, lunch. We stood up in a line with our little tin cups and everybody received a ladle full of this watery soup in which there swam little bits of radish or rutabaga. After an hour of resting, the Kapo started to whack people over the head again, driving them to work. Those who fell dead from the blows or the S. S. man's bullets had to be dragged back to the camp by the people who remained alive. Why? So they could show up at the roll call because the same number of people had to be counted at the roll call, it didn't matter whether they were dead or alive.



The Death Factory Develops

When I arrived at Auschwitz there were just 3 barracks, but the enormous space around which was bordered with electric wire and barbed wire, promised that this emptiness would, undoubtedly, quickly be filled up with construction of one kind or another. And that's exactly what happened. Every day transports arrived at the camp, full of people, who had been brought from every corner of Europe. The procedure of emptying out a transport once it got to Auschwitz was always exactly the same. The heavy doors of the rail cars were opened up on both sides, S. S. brutes would stand with their sticks and their whips and they'd really give it to the unlucky victims who came out of the cars. Tens of dead people were taken out of the cars. These were the victims of the journey who had endured days upon days inside hermetically sealed rail cars without water or anything to eat, without air, in a frightfully crowded space. The arrival at Auschwitz was marked by orders to stand up in lines while a doctor from the S. S. carried out his selection. With a little gesture of his hand, he indicated who went straight to the gas chamber and crematorium, and who would remain alive for the time being, though in the hideous conditions at Auschwitz.

Frightful scenes were played out when children were torn away from their parents, even babies who were nursing were torn from their mother's breasts. Some of the mothers fought like lionesses against this brutality, but their struggle always ended up in a quick death. How much brutal sadism the Germans displayed in the murder of little babies!?

The part of the transport that was directed to the left was sent to the gas chamber. It appeared to be a barracks covered with tarpaper, with two tiny little windows. During my arrival at Auschwitz there was just one gas chamber. But with time the death industry developed to such a scale that 5 gas chambers were able to take care of thousands of people on a daily basis. There was also a great increase in the number of barracks. It didn't take very much time before there were 40 barracks, each in a row of 20, in each barrack 1,500 internees were kept. With time the neighboring camp, Birkenau, was included in Auschwitz.



My Savior Ludwig

After 3 weeks of being in the camp, on a specific day they ordered us to undress, take off all of our clothes, they shaved our heads, and they shaved as well, all the other places we had hair on our bodies, took our clothes and our shoes and everybody received one of the striped outfits of the camp with wooden clogs instead of shoes. The cold water without soap did very little to improve our hygienic situation. Sunday, on the day of rest, we had to delouse ourselves.

In September I became sick with typhus and I lay in a terrible condition and given the fact that this took place in the horrible conditions of Auschwitz, it is only thanks to my block commander, the Pole, Ludwig, that I was able to stay alive. In civilian life he was a dancer in a ballet. He found he had been thrown into Auschwitz as a political prisoner. I have no idea what it was that I did, or for what reason he showed me so much sympathy, but as soon as he found out that I was seriously ill, he ordered 2 brothers by the name of Bodnik from Paris, one day when they were returning from work, to, at the roll call, hold me up on my feet. When the order came out for people to sound off their numbers, he told them to pull my cloak over my face and told them to shout out my number when it was necessary.

My medical crisis lasted for 12 days, there was one occasion when Ludwig didn't allow me to go to work, but he hid me under some straw in the barracks so that I wouldn't be discovered in an inspection. He was also able to make sure that I got an aspirin and a little bit more bread. In September of 1942 Ludwig got me a job in a working group of tin workers who covered the roofs. I spent the whole day sitting on the roof, banging nails, in a section of the camp and the conditions were much, much better than the previous work that I had.



The bloody Spectacle

New Year's 1943. The brutes in Auschwitz decide that they want to welcome the New Year with a little bit of a kind of celebration. They wanted to have their wives and women friends observe the bloody spectacle. An order came down. The order was that from certain barracks people had to march towards the headquarters, that is to say, near the gate where the S. S. people and some women were sitting at little tables, drinking beer and snacking. The orchestra was playing. One murderer gave the order that an inmate should take off their camp jackets and then put them on again backwards, that is to say, they should button them up their backs. After that people had to pour sand into their neighbors jackets and with this baggage, the unfortunate Jew had to run, driven by blows from sticks and whips. The victim ran around in a circle and after that, he had to pour out the sand by the toilets and come back. At that point they filled up their jackets once again with sand. And in this little game thousands of Jews took part and in the process hundreds of them were tortured to death with blows or just shot on the spot to the laughter and pleasure of the Germans and their acquaintances. The next morning we had to bury all of the victims in a mass grave.



Russians and Gypsies in Auschwitz

In the month of February 1943, a work group of 150 Ukrainians disarmed their guards from the S. S. and they escaped. The whole camp was ordered to come out for a roll call. Two days and two nights we stood outside in a bitter cold. Understand that many victims fell during this roll call, until they caught up with 3 of the men who had escaped. They brought them back. Each one had been bound to two pieces of wood, in the form of a cross. We all had to witness the execution and watch them led up to the gallows.

On a certain day there came an order, "Shut down the barracks!" All the barracks were shut down. We didn't dare even to look out of the windows, but there was always somebody who was curious and wiling to take the risk, and one of them crept up to the window and saw how they were leading a whole transport of Russian prisoners of war into the gas chamber.

On the next day we were assigned as a work group to sort out the clothes of the Russians. We found letters from wives, children and parents, photographs, documents. On their clothes there was an identification which said, R.K.G., or Russian prisoner of war. When the German guard was looking the other way, we succeeded in pulling on a pair of boots from one of the Russian soldiers and then we would let our pants fall down to cover the boots. If I'd been caught in this kind of theft there's no question that I would havc been shot on the spot.

In Auschwitz there were certain separate barracks for gypsies and whole sections of other barracks for them and there were whole families of gypsies there, with wives and children, but not for long. They also waited for the gas chamber and crematoria. The first transport of gypsies originated in Germany itself. When they were led to the gas chambers the screams of the unfortunate ones ripped into heaven, but nobody could do anything to help them.



What's happening in France

Once when I was at work cleaning the courtyard and the paths in the camp, I noticed a large group of French women who were assigned to work digging sewer canals, not far from the toilets. I wanted to just ask one of the women a question, and I said, "What's happening in France?" And all of a sudden a woman guard appeared right next to me with an automatic rifle in her hand and she ordered, "Come over here!" I was terrified as I went over to her and she asked me angrily what I was talking about. I answered her, "Nothing really". She ordered me to go into the toilet with her and there she gave me a cigarette to smoke. She wrote down my number and she ordered, "Get out of here!" Coming back to my barracks I was certain that my life had run its course and sure enough, that evening a messenger came running and called out my number and ordered me to come to the headquarters. I left my portion of bread behind to a pal in the barracks. I said good-bye to people who I was close to and I said farewell with the certainty that I was going to meet my death. At headquarters the female guard was waiting for me. She ordered me, in a stern tone, to go with her, she led me into a room, and she gave me an order in an especially high, harsh voice that I should start to clean up that room to make it spotless. When I grabbed a brush and a rag in my hand, she said to me in a very gentle tone, I should sit down at the table, and she brought me a meal fit for a king. In the conditions of Auschwitz, one could only dream of eating like that. She indicated in a very civilized way that when I was going to go out, she was going to give me a little bit of meat and cigarettes. I explained to her that If I go into the barracks and I am discovered to possess these things, it would mean a minimum of 25 or 50 lashes, that is if I didn't get shot on the spot. She said, "Well, it's worth the risk as long as you're able to eat and smoke."



Jewish Kapos

In Auschwitz camp I had the opportunity to be exposed to see and to really hear and know the behavior of the block commanders and their helpers. The commander of Block 27 was a certain Greenboim, and he was from Warsaw. He distinguished himself with his brutality towards Jews. There was another one from Warsaw, Yosela and Laibeshel from Radom.

Once, when I was cleaning an area not far from the ramp between 2 cars which had arrived from France, I noticed my Uncle Shabotai, who had been ordered to go to the right side. I was sure that I'd be able to find him in one of the quarantine barracks. The next day I went to Barracks No. 8, where Laibeshel was the Kapo. And to my question, if I could see my Uncle, he gave me a very sinister answer, which was that I can't interrupt him now because he's in prayers, Mincha. When he got to another prayer, Shmone-Asera, Laibeshel's answer was that your Uncle if just an old kacker, and he wouldn't live long anyway.



The Hell of Warsaw

The end of April 1943, the French Jews in Auschwitz received an order to fall in for roll call. After going out and getting arranged in lines, we were asked who wanted to volunteer for a transport. About 500 men wanted to get out of the Auschwitz death factory. We received a half a loaf of bread each, a little jug of water and got into the rail cars on the same track which had brought us here, but this time we were traveling away from Auschwitz.

The next morning, very early, we arrived at Prager station. They took us from the station in trucks to the Jewish quarter of Warsaw. Who is capable of describing what our eyes beheld after the hell of the Warsaw ghetto and after the suppression if the heroic uprising of Jewish fighters against Hitler's brutal army?

Our task was to clean up the ghetto, to destroy the remaining walls, clean the bricks which the Poles would then take away in their horse drawn wagons. We also had to bang on the cellar walls to see if they were empty or not, or if there were places where there was hidden quantities of food or jewelry and money. At 27 Volinske, we actually did uncover, under a wall, a whole warehouse full of products that you couldn't have seen otherwise. In it were clothes and shoes and boots. We were able to make little deals with the Poles who would come into the ruined ghetto and what we'd do is we'd trade them some little thing of value that we were able to stash away, and in return from them we would get cigarettes or bread or other things to eat, because our one and only striving was to have something to eat. Had we had enough to eat, then the situation might have been different.

Daily there were fresh transports coming in to Warsaw from Auschwitz, of French Jews, in order to clean up the ghetto. There were 4,000 Jews at that point during a period of 8 months.

The confusion which began to overtake the Germans, the sounds of bombardments and artillery fire from both sides of the Vistula promised that the front was closing in, and with it the possibility of our liberation. The German bandits, though, didn't want to resign themselves quite so quickly to the loss of their slaves. An order came to march. The first day we made 30 kilometers, without a drop of water or anything to eat. Along the way the brutes did everything that they could to cause more victims to fall. When we arrived at night to a river and some unfortunate people decided that they would bend down to take a drink and still their thirst, the Germans opened fire and the river ran red with blood. I mean, half of the people were shot down at that point.

When we arrived at the train station they locked us in wagons and after another half a day of traveling in horrible conditions, we arrived at Dachau. A thousand or 1,200 of worn out Jews were stuffed into barracks No. 16 and 27. For about 2 months we were there in quarantine, we didn't work, a sign that the Third Reich had come to the beginning of the end. They didn't know what to do with us. They didn't even know how to put to work their legions of worn out, tortured slaves. After that they drove us on foot to Karslfeld, 6 kilometers from Dachau where we began to work in an underground bunker, far from a forest. Since our employer was a company "Todt", we had added to the standard pathetic little food rations that we usually got in the camp, a little ration of one cigarette a day. The cigarettes we bought in the canteen which was open every 10th day.

The dogs who watched us used to receive far better food than we. When the dogs had finished their meal, we used to get their leftovers, bones, and that would still our hunger.



A Meeting with People from Demblin

When the allied armies came into Germany many thousands and thousands of imprisoned Jews were liberated, not only Jews but other people too. Among the transports of liberated people, I once recognized my fellow towns people - Chana Goldberg and the 2 sons of Moshe Faiges. I took them into a barrack and I hid them until their group traveled away. Together we lived to see the day of liberation, the 9th of May, 1945, when a group of American troops came into Dachau and we were set free.


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