Chapter 12
Oshpitzin Jewry and the Onset of the Springtime of Freedom
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Tzadikim
and Hasidim in Oshpitzin. – Hasidism's
struggles against royal decrees. - The new generation of Oshpitzin
Jewry. – Hasidism ranges from Bukovina to Oshpitzin. – The
memorandum to Vienna on the difficult straits of the Jews. - The
unresponsive reply. – The abundant supply of silk and satin. –
The shock of the Vienna riots of 1848. – Rabbi Meisels of
Krakow, Oshpitzin's representative at the Imperial Court. – The
promulgation of the constitution is greeted with joy in Oshpitzin.
– Russian armed forces on the way to Hungary pass through
Oshpitzin. – The visits of Kaiser Franz Joseph in Oshpitzin. –
One hundred eighty Jewish smugglers from Oshpitzin arrested. – The
Emperor dismisses the charge through the intervention of Rabbi
Schnur. – Oshpitzin folktales about the Emperor.
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Precisely during times of trouble and distress for Jews, at a time when
the sword stood poised at the throat and no savior is sight, the
Hasidic movement and its
tzadikim
rushed in to breathe new life
and hope into Galician Jewry and, in essence, turned the situation
upside down. Hasidism increasingly united the Jewish masses in each
city, town, village, and settlement in defending against the decrees of
the Austrian government, gathering to its fold the vast majority of
Galician Jewry. As time went on, it became a powerful conservative
force, which attracted the greater part of the Jewish middle class to
the defense of religion and tradition against the aggressive inroads of
haskalah.
Zealous adherence to religious practice was paramount in the legends of
Hasidism as it fought against government decrees in its vigilance
against any threat to the integrity of religion and practice. The eyes
of the
tzadikim
were everywhere, and they stood guard to assist
and ward off threatening inroads, so much so that even opponents of
Hasidism came to admit that Hasidism had done a great deal to attenuate
the worst of the decrees. In this regard Oshpitzin Jewry was no
exception, for there too lived Hasidim of the different dynasties,
observing their particular way of life together in their
shtiblach,
and those
tzadikim
who saw fit to make Oshpitzin their home
served as the cornerstones of these communities.
The Hasidim responded to Austrian administrative political suppression
not only by mutual assistance and solidarity but also by a kind of
organized passive resistance. The entire gamut of malignant adversities
and the great yearnings for redemption of the masses of oppressed Jews
in the towns and villages found their expression in the Hasidic movement
of those times. The essence of Galician Hasidism during that reactionary
period (1815 – 1848) is reflected in its teachings and legends, in
official documents, and in the writings of its fierce opponents, the
Maskilim. In the official governing act on Hasidism of July 29, 1823,
the Hasidic
tzadikim
are represented as the influential leaders
of the “lower classes” of Jewry. One regional commissioner, in his
report on the Hasidim to the governing council in 1827, writes in part,
“A Jewish Hasid of this type is easily recognized; he goes about with
neck exposed, rolled up sleeves, dirty clothing and usually disheveled.
The most common Jews belong to this sect.”[1]
With the protection of the landed gentry, village Jews were able to get
around the decree preventing Jews from being saloonkeepers. The masses
practically ignored the decrees on prohibitive marriage taxes
accompanied by German language proficiency examinations of the bride and
groom, and would marry only according to the “Law of Moses and
Israel,” without official sanction, and not by the law of Austria and
Galicia. From the official statistics of 1826 it becomes obvious that
the number of Jewish weddings in that year numbered over 1,000, while
the legally sanctioned ones were only 127. Legal disputes were resolved
by Jews among themselves through a
besdin
and they refrained from
turning to the secular courts. The high tax on praying with a quorum was
not paid, and they would conceal the existence of a
shtibel
from
the authorities. When the government forbade the printing of books on
Hasidism and Kabbalah, the Hasidim would print them clandestinely and
the volumes would indicate false publishing dates and bogus publishers.
In spite of the order of 1800 forbidding the importation of books in
Hebrew and Yiddish from outside the country, Jews smuggled them in from
Russia. In order to avoid the draft – which under prevailing
circumstances was justly regarded by Jews as too great a hardship –
they would provide incorrect birth dates or, wherever possible, would
not even report the births. The Hasidim regarded the efforts of the
Austrian government to Germanize the Jews as no less restrictive than
the taxation decrees. The
tzadikim
responded in stubborn defense
of the Yiddish language and the traditional garb and customs and
promised their adherents that in the merit of their loyalty to Yiddish
the redemption would come about. Reb Mendele of Rymanow regarded the
decree on “gentile clothing” and “new languages unfamiliar to our
ancestors” an act of
klipa
[adaptation of foreign skin], which
would bring about the subjugation of Israel by the nations of the world.
It was with the most energetic resistance, usually well organized, that
Hasidim fought against the tax on candles and kosher meat, and they
fought with all their means against these tax collectors. So great was
the self-imposed boycott on eating meat that even the opponents of
Hasidism surrendered in solidarity to popular pressure and refrained
from eating meat. When these bans were in force, dairy foods were eaten
even on Shabbat and holidays.
In the 1840s new, younger generations of university graduates in
cooperation with older Maskilim of the previous generation attained
leadership positions at the helm of Galician Jewry. This influence was
also felt in Oshpitzin.
The city of Oshpitzin, situated on the western tip of the country, right
on the Prussian-Silesian border, was intimately involved in all the
events taking place in the Austrian Galician kingdom. No episode
occurred without leaving its mark on Oshpitzin or having effects that
were reflected there. In 1839, two heavy losses were experienced by
religious Jewry in Austria with the demise of the
gaon, Rabbi
Yakov Orenstein in Lwow and the
gaon, Rabbi Moshe, author of
Chasam
Soifer
in Presburg [Bratislava], both among the most important
leaders of religious Jewry. In 1840, two events occurred that greatly
influenced the coming development of Jewry. In that year, the Austrian
government began to take notice of the intelligentsia when it appointed
a
kehilla
council in the capital of Lwow. For the first time,
representatives of the Maskilim, doctors of medicine and jurisprudence,
were included and they took up their posts energetically, without regard
to the fact that in the same year the famous Hasidic
tzadik, Rabbi
Yisroel Friedman, of Rozhyn [?] settled in Sadigora in Bukovina,
founding the dynasty which branched out to the leadership of prominent
tzadikim
in Husyatin, Czortkow, Bojan, and Rymanow. From that time, Bukovina
Hasidism in East Galicia spread through Central Galicia to reach as far
as Oshpitzin.
In 1847, for the first time, representatives of a number of the large
kehillot
of Galicia convened and decided to petition the government in a
memorandum on the difficult straits of the Jews. Since they were not
permitted to send a combined memorandum, it was decided that each
kehilla
would do so individually. Memoranda were sent by the
kehillot
of
Lwow (1847), Brody, Tarnopol, and Sambor; Oshpitzin was probably a
participant in this activity. All of these memoranda, which had been
dispatched to Vienna, were transmitted from there to the Governing
Administration in Lwow. Not until after the constitution was granted in
April 1848 was a reply forthcoming (12.6.1848), stating that the
constitution provided that these matters would be submitted to the
parliament for its deliberation and decision; this was like serving
mustard after the meal. Meanwhile, the local Galician governing body
occupied itself with injunctions against Jewish forms of dress, ordering
Jewish men and women to wear European clothes. The orthodox, fearing the
verdict of the government, mobilized a number of
kehillot
and
from all sides petitioned the authorities to allow the current modes of
dress, especially since Jewish merchants and tailors had a very large
inventory of velvet and silk cloth, and the
Sternband
[decorative
headband covering the forehead of women] often constituted the sole
savings of the Jewish family. Despite these petitions, the rule of
Prince Metternich was characterized by strict enforcement of all of the
regulations imposed on the inhabitants in conformity with the previous
system. Taxes in arrears were collected with exaggerated extremism by
confiscating the property of those who had not paid the candle taxes. In
May 1848, instructions were received from the tax bureau to collect the
arrears of 1847 and to sell all of the items confiscated from Jews by
the franchised candle-tax collectors.
The events taking place in Vienna in March 1848 caused much fluctuation
in all of the governmental departments and shook the very foundations of
the Habsburg monarchy. The 13th of March 1848 marked a drastic
and unexpected change in the history of the House of Habsburg and that
of the peoples in the territories it ruled. Into the entire accumulation
of orders, instructions, decisions, and rulings with which Metternich
had attempted to subjugate Austria and Europe, there fell one spark that
set it all mightily ablaze. This fire, for which he was not at all
prepared, damaged his rule so extensively that it provides the
explanation for his complete surrender in favor of the ideas of liberty
and nationality. Kaiser Ferdinand was an incompetent, and circumstances
forced him to abdicate his throne on December 2, 1848 in favor of his
18-year-old nephew, Kaiser Franz Josef I, who – together with his
chief minister Schwarzenberg – forgot all their promises and persisted
in the despotic legacy of their predecessors. A Galician delegation that
had been dispatched to Vienna, headed by Prince Lubomirski, included a
number of Jews: A. M. Mizes [?], Yehoshua L. Horowitz, Rabbi Cohen,
and Rabbi Dovberish Meisels (1798-1870) of Krakow as the delegate of
West Galician Jewry, in which Oshpitzin had an important place. Rabbi
Meisels was one of the delegates received for an audience with the
Kaiser. He was a rabbi and statesman in Krakow, from 1848 a
representative in the Austrian parliament who was active in the
opposition, and one of the central figures during the Krakow Republic
(until 1846); he was also in contact with the
kehilla
leadership
of Oshpitzin.
Understandably, news of the granting of the constitution was received by
Galician Jewry with great joy, and not less in Oshpitzin than in Lwow or
Krakow, despite the fact that in Oshpitzin there were no newspapers that
would report this event, as in the large cities. Indeed, the
proclamations that were posted in the streets declaring equal civil
rights for Jews immediately raised the question of whether the paragraph
outlining equal rights for all citizens applied to the special religious
taxes that Jews had to pay or whether these taxes were still in force.
In any case, meetings were convened in most of the synagogues to express
gratitude, speeches were declaimed, and public joy was expressed. In
Krakow and nearby Kazimierz the oppressed classes rose up against the
[tax] concessionaires and the exploiters who wanted to destroy their
homes, to properly express their attitude as the despoiled toward those
who exploited them and as taxpayers toward the leeches that sucked their
blood.
On April 15, 1848, the authorities published a liberal, restrained
constitution that promised freedom to all religions, with an attendant
notation that Jewish emancipation was postponed until the publication of
further legal amendments at a later time. Nevertheless, the Jews
received the right to vote in the parliamentary elections. The
constitution, however, was tantamount to clay without an infusing spirit
and satisfied no one, so that on May 15th
a [violent]
demonstration against the authorities broke out once again, with the
result that the Kaiser and his entourage left Vienna and moved to
Innsbruck to wait out the disturbances. Not until October 5, 1848, after
the impassioned speech of Mannheimer, did the parliament declare the
cancellation of the special taxes levied on Jews that plagued the masses
with profound insult. Just one day after the announcement of the
cancellation, new waves of the revolt in Vienna took place. On October
6, the revolt was at its peak. There were bloody clashes in Hungary
between the Kossuth party and the southern Slavs, who were supported by
the Austrian army. The Russian army under General Paskiewicz, who knew
the Oshpitzin area from the time of the partition of Poland and its
partial occupation, again responded to the summons of the Austrian
Kaiser to rush in to help; this time, too, Oshpitzin became a transit
point for the army through which they penetrated Hungary and subdued the
Hungarians.
Equal rights for Galician Jewry were slow in coming. In 1848 the
proclamation of equality for all Austrian citizens without regard to
religion was announced. In 1853 new limitations were announced regarding
Jews. The law of 1863, however, granted them full equal rights. From
then on the Jews of Oshpitzin, too, breathed easier.
Quite a bit of attention was paid by the Jews of Oshpitzin to their
“kind” Kaiser Franz Josef, who loved to tour extensively throughout
the regions of his extended empire. He spent time in Oshpitzin and the
surrounding area more than once. There were those Jews in Oshpitzin who
related that they had spoken to him briefly as he walked through the
streets of the town. It is likely that this added to the legendary
mantle of the “Good and Kindly” Kaiser, and they would tell only
good things of him, omitting those deeds that had a jarring note not
conforming to the principles of harmony, in spite of his joke that he
bore the title of “King of Jerusalem,” implying that since Galician
Jews had crowned him “Kaiser of the Galician Jews,” it was merely a
short distance to being king of all Jewry.
In his youthful period, Kaiser Franz Josef had been a cruel warmonger
and had shed much blood. In the first decade of his reign, he was
responsible for many more deaths than any previous despot of Austria.
Subsequent to his victory with the aid of the Russian armies over the
Hungarian revolt, his generals continued to carry out massacres in the
defeated, desolate land, so much so that all Europe shuddered at the
Austrian barbarity. The Kaiser's forces ravaged right and left and
inflicted on the defeated nation deep wounds that festered for many
years and never healed. In point of fact, he exemplified in his style
the realization of Austrian bureaucracy, which was an admixture of
villainy and stupidity. After stifling the revolt in Hungary, it
reverted to the old Metternich system of spying and sleuthing, and the
earlier police methods were renewed.
It bears mentioning at this juncture that as the Kaiser aged, the myth
of his kindheartedness and his humane feelings spread, and that legends
at times turn into the legacy of history. Franz Josef was beloved by the
Jews. If ever there was a Jewish king after the destruction of
Jerusalem, then it was the “Jewish Kaiser” Franz Josef. The people
held firm beliefs as to his love for the Jews, and the Jewish
associations of former Galicians in other countries – especially in
America and Canada – were permitted to celebrate his birthday as a
great national holiday. The truth is that the Kaiser was not such a
great philo-Semite, for two reasons. First, court traditions and his
strict clerical education left him devoid of any thought of tolerance
for the views, attitudes, customs, and manners of others, and especially
those of Jews. Second, the Kaiser believed that all Jews were
revolutionaries. He firmly believed that the Jews were responsible for
the outbreak in Vienna and other locations. Understandably, these two
factors combined to erect a wall of iron in the face of the delegations
and petitions that were dispatched to him in an attempt to influence him
to moderate his attitudes toward the Jews. A good analysis – perhaps
too harsh – on the role played in history by Franz Josef was made by a
historian in the following statement, “The Kaiser did not possess even
one good nerve. Indeed, he became softer and more humane with each
debacle. Franz Josef would consider a compromise only when he became
afraid.” Thus wrote Karl Cupik [?], who knew him well, in his
book
Franz Josef I.
We won't list all of his deeds here, just or wicked, whether in his
relationship to Jews in particular or toward all the peoples and minor
states that had been accumulated by the kings of the Habsburg dynasty
“like a collection of abandoned eggs” and annexed by them. We are
obliged, however, to detail the following story, which is current among
the former Oshpitziner about Franz Josef. This is how it goes:[2]
Oshpitzin had developed into a commercial city, trading with German
Prussia and Russian-ruled Congress Poland. A short hop by train from
Oshpitzin and you were in Katowice or Myslenice; with another hop, you
were in Sosnowice and the Zagle[m]bia region. In the “Corner of the
Three Empires,” where the White Przymsze flows into the Black Przymsze,
you would have been able to make the trek on foot from Slopna [?], a
suburb of Myslowice to the village of Galician Jiendzor [?] and
from there over the river to visit in Niewka [?] and Mordziow [?]. The
proximity of the borders to Oshpitzin created, aside from the legal
trade of the Jews of Oshpitzin in agricultural products and the supply
of timber as raw material for construction, the illegal trade of
smuggling merchandise from nearby Germany, such as silk products, fine
velvet, and knitted goods, without paying the duties. All of these items
were available in Germany at bargain rates, while in Austria the prices
for these goods were exorbitant, making it worthwhile for small
retailers in textiles to stock German contraband. Smuggling, though, was
not always without risk. Once, undercover agents of the authorities
caught a large contingent of Oshpitzin Jews as they were taking delivery
of a large shipment. Through coercive methods they succeeded in
ensnaring quite a number of Jewish merchants, resulting in the arrest of
180 Jews in town who were sent immediately to the prison in Wadowice to
pay for their crime. Weeping and wailing was heard all over the city,
for people knew that the accused might be sentenced to long jail terms.
In despair the wives and children of the prisoners turned to Rabbi
Abba'le Schnur, the Oshpitzin Rabbi, weeping and imploring him to
speedily help to free their breadwinners, lest they go hungry. The
rabbi, R’ Abbale Schnur immediately contacted Baron Teschitz [?] from
the village of Kozy [?] near Biala, and the latter paved the way for him
to gain an audience with Kaiser Franz Josef at Schoenbrunn in Vienna.
The rabbi traveled unobtrusively to Vienna, remained there some eight
days and on his return brought a letter to the Wadowice Court. The
letter contained an order to the court to release the prisoners
forthwith, until their trial clarified the situation. The chief
magistrate immediately complied. A trial never took place, because Rabbi
Schnur had been able to quash the entire matter during his stay in
Vienna. For a long time, the rabbi refused to discuss the incident and
divulged nothing. It is said in Oshpitzin that years later, when the
whole matter had already been forgotten, at the great international
convention of rabbis in Krakow in 1903 [5663], Rabbi Abba Schnur met
Rabbi Chaim Leibush Horowitz and others at the residence of the Rabbi of
Krakow, where they conversed about current events. Suddenly, Rabbi
Usher'l, the
Tzadik
of Rymanow changed the subject under
discussion and began with the following words: “Rabbi of Tarnow.
[3]
Wonder of wonders. You are not, after all, a Hasidic
tzadik,
and nevertheless are a great miracle worker. Perhaps the time has now
come for you to reveal the secret of how you succeeded in influencing
the Kaiser to free the 180 Jews of Oshpitzin from jail.” To this,
Rabbi Abba'le Schnur replied, “I threatened him. This is what
happened: When I told the Kaiser that I had come especially to request that he
free the smugglers, he asked me if I didn't think that they deserved to
be punished. I answered that it was my opinion that these Jews had
already been punished by having been in jail the past two weeks and by
the losses incurred due to the confiscation of the contraband, and so
they had been doubly punished. The Kaiser, however, insisted and said
that he could not interfere in the matter. When I realized that my
mission was a failure I said to the Kaiser, 'I have a plan. Since the
Oshpitzin community has few resources and is not able to provide for the
prisoners' families, and here in the Schoenbrunn Palace there is more
than adequate space, I propose that I return home and bring you all the
wives and children of the smugglers. I am not concerned for their
well-being here, because I know they will not suffer from hunger here.'
The Kaiser burst out in laughter and, after thinking a few moments, told
me that on the following day I should turn to the minister of justice
and he would take care of the whole matter. Next day I went to the
minister's office and there I was handed a sealed letter for me to
present to the regional court in Wadowice. 'Inasmuch as our emperor is a
kindly person,' the minister explained, 'the matter should be concluded
by having all of the paperwork and indictments that have been made
concerning the matter of the smugglers sent to a place where they will
not be remembered, nor mentioned, nor ever heard from again.' ”
In any case, it is clear that as far as this story reveals only a small
part of the positive aspects, it is a fact that it was precisely the
defeats he suffered in his wars that influenced him to issue his more
liberal regulations. The tragedy of it is that Franz Josef always waited
too long and lost many battles and struggles before he came to realize
that he should proceed beyond the letter of the law and win the hearts
of the oppressed peoples harnessed to his royal chariot.
FOOTNOTES
-
The subject of the struggle of the Hasidic
tzadikim
against the decrees of the Austrian government in Galicia is fully
detailed and documented in
Hasidism and Haskalah in 19th Century
Galicia
by Raphael Mahler, which includes details of R’
Mordechai Auspitz [?], a Maskil who was the administrative
director of the commercial firm Nierenstein (pp. ? and 50).
Return
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See the article by Yakov Seifter, born in
Oshpitzin, in the Memorial section of the book.
Return
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[Conversational Yiddish and Hebrew not too
long ago was highly formal when addressing rabbis, parents, and
others due respect. They would always be referred to in the third
person. A child would never refer to parents frontally in the second
person, but would say, “Does father wish...would Mother like,”
etc. Furthermore, even when not present they would be referred to
not as “he” or “she”, but rather as
der Tate, di Mame,
and never by their first names.] Trans.
Return
Chapter 13
Oshpitzin and its Tzadikim in the
Hasidic Movement
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The march of Hasidism from Kitov [?] to Oshpitzin. – The wandering R’
Elimelech of Lizhensk [Lezajsk] visits Oshpitzin. – The struggle in
Oshpitzin between Hasidim and Misnagdim. – The attitude of the Austrian
government to Hasidism. – The increase in the number of Hasidic
“Shtiblach” in Oshpitzin. – The visits of various Tzadikim in town.
– The Oshpitzin Tzadik, R’ Berish Frummer [?].
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Galicia deserves much distinction in the history of the spiritual development
of our people for the period of about 500 years before the Shoah. This was the
home of the great rabbinical religious authorities, the ReM”A [Rabbi Moses
Isserles], the Ba”CH, the Ta”Z, the authors of “K'tzos HaChoshen”, and
“Chavas Da'as”. Here, Rabbi Yisroel Ba'al Shem Tov [Besh”t], the founder
of Hasidism, was born, grew up, secluded himself, and developed his approach,
and a number of his greatest disciples were Galicianer, among them Rabbi Levi
Yitzchok of Berdichev. The first wellspring of Hasidism was in
East
Galicia,
in the Carpathian Mountains south of Kossow and Kuty where the Besh”t
secluded himself. In contrast to earlier movements in Judaism, which tended
towards asceticism, Hasidism rejected afflicting the body and soul leading to
depression and demanded that the worship of God be out of joy.
Hasidism was founded in East Galicia, from which it passed during its second
stage to Central Galicia, and finally reached even West Galicia, with Krakow
as its center, and came as far as Oshpitzin. No other class or popular
movement had as profound an influence on the life of Jews in Galicia as did
the Hasidic movement. Galicia's function in the renewal of Hasidism was
immensely creative. The Besh”t himself was born near the Podolian-Wallachian
border and spent a number of years in Brody, Kuty, Kossow, and Tluste, where
his ideas developed before he was recognized as a Ba'al Shem [wonder-worker].
While still in Galicia he left behind sparks of enthusiasm, which were
influential in later years as well. It is interesting to note that among those
who would journey to him in Miedzyborz in order to be in his company, in his
inner circle were precisely those of East Galicia, like Rabbi Nachman of
Kossow, who later went up to Eretz Yisrael accompanied by other Hasidim, and
such as Rabbi Nachman of Horodenka were among them. A third Galician who would
visit the Besh”t was Rabbi Menachem-Mendel of Przemyslany who described his
conduct in the book “Darkei Yeshorim”. Even the Besh”t's brother-in-law,
Rabbi Gershon of Kitov came to him in Brody in order to pay his respects to
the former “Am Ha'aretz”.
Rabbi Elimelech of Lizhensk [Lezajsk] was one of the pioneers of Hasidism and
a disciple of Rabbi Dovber, the Magid of Mezritch [Miedzyrzec]. It was his
custom to wander from town to town, and village to village [Arranging for the
Redemption of Exile], and according to legend he, together with his brother,
Rabbi Zushe of Anipoli [Annopol], also reached Oshpitzin. As he stood on the
border of Silesia, the land of freedom and enlightenment, he regarded it for a
long time, and finally said “You will come this far ”, discerning that
Hasidism would halt in Oshpitzin without making inroads into Silesia, an area
that was under the sway of the Maskilim, adherents of R’ Moshe Mendelsohn who
fought against Hasidism.[1]
According to the legend, Rabbi Elimelech and his brother performed a
pioneering function in the dissemination of Hasidism and its perspectives in
Oshpitzin and its surroundings. The advance of Hasidism in Galicia was halted
for a time at the gates of Krakow, and it was obliged to undertake a severe
struggle until it succeeded in also penetrating there. In 5543 [1783], Rabbi
Kloinimus Kalman Epstein of Neustadt came to Krakow. He was considered to be
one of the most excellent of the young disciples of Rabbi Elimelech of
Lizhensk. With him were the “Seer of Lublin” (born in Lancut), and Rabbi
Mendel from Rymanow. The former spread Hasidism through his marvelous book
“Ma'or VaShemesh”, which became a classic of Hasidism and an unfailing
resource of the lofty and sublime ethics of Hasidism. It turns out that in
Oshpitzin, too, the road was not clear for Hasidism, and here, too, it had to
do battle until it gained the upper hand.
Hasidism would unite the masses of Jews to solidarity in defense against the
decrees and exploitation through taxes of absolutist Austria, and in its
subversive struggles against the Austrian authorities, Hasidism succeeded in
consolidating to its banner the vast majority of Galician Jewry. With the
passage of time, Hasidism became the conservative force, which attracted the
greatest majority of the Jewish middle class in defense of religion and
tradition against the aggressive Haskalah efforts of Yosef Perl and his
associates. By the end of the 19th
Century, the victory of
Hasidism in Galicia was already almost total.
What was the attitude of the Austrian government towards the Hasidic movement?
In the first half of the 19th
Century it was determined by the
character and development of this religious movement, and according to the
general principles of the absolutist, reactionary policies in the realm of its
own nationalism, religion, and culture. By and large, the Austrian authorities
regarded Hasidism with great suspicion. As a religious mass movement, Hasidism
was a serious disturbing factor for absolutist policies. The authorities
realized that Hasidism does not preach “respect and obedience of the laws of
the country and its administration”. In spite of that, the government issued
a decree favoring Hasidism in 1788. Until 1814 there are no official documents
concerning Hasidism in Galicia. On the 14th
of February, 1814 a
decree was issued by the imperial court that mentions the decree of 1788,
which prohibited the persecution of “Hasidim or the pious, inasmuch as the
Edict of Tolerance for the Mosaic Religion applied to them”. Subsequently,
barely six months later, the government ignored the Edict of Tolerance of
Kaiser Josef II, and an era of oppression of Hasidim commenced. The Hasidic
movement was hounded at every juncture. These persecutions were the direct
result of the work of informers, mostly from the ranks of Maskilim. It was
only in 1838 that the authorities in Galicia finally realized that the Hasidic
movement had become so widespread amongst Jewry that there was no possible way
to suppress it by law. The 1848 Revolution, which put an end to the
deprivation of the rights of Galician Jewry, terminated the series of
suppression of the Hasidic movement by the authorities.[2]
It can be assumed that in Oshpitzin, too, Hasidism was not ascendant for a
certain period, and that there were Mitnagdim who fought it as either a
majority or a minority. It was only when the storm abated and the influence of
the ban against Hasidism that was pronounced in Krakow waned that peace was
restored, and the Hasidim in Oshpitzin continually increased. “Shtiblach”
were established in town reflecting the various dynasties where they followed
the same customs as were current in the courts of their Tzadikim. From time to
time the different Tzadikim would come to visit their Hasidim in Oshpitzin,
and on those Sabbaths and Holidays the city took on an air of festivity. The
Admorim themselves, however, only began to visit after Rabbi Dovberish Frummer
had established his home in town. Oshpitzin was preceded by its neighbor
Chrzanow, some 18 kilometers away, in boasting of having an Admor resident
there, in the person of Rabbi Shloime Bochner, who was a disciple of Rabbi
Shmelke of Nikolsburg [Mikulov]. He was the first Rabbi and Admor in Chrzanow
from 5546 [1786] on. At first he engaged in business, despite his Torah genius
and was in contact with the Gaonim and Tzadikim of his generation. He died on
the 18th
of Iyar 5588 [May 2, 1828].
The first Hasidic Tzadik who lived in Oshpitzin was
Rabbi Berish Frummer,
who was born in Chrzanow and studied Revealed Torah [Talmud and Halacha] as a
student of Rabbi Shlomo, the Av Besdin of Chrzanow, and the Esoteric Torah
[Mysticism and Hasidism] as a disciple of the Seer of Lublin, Rabbi Yakov
Yitzchok Horowitz. He was a mighty Gaon, an incisive and marvelous debater,
but hid his great Torah acumen from others. In his youth he had been a Melamed
of little children, and only after establishing his home in Oshpitzin was his
great authority in Torah and worship revealed. He was a mighty wonder-worker
and people traveled to him from near and far. In his later years he was also
appointed the Av Besdin of Oshpitzin. He did not, however, live long as the
Chief Rabbi, since he passed away on Iyar 20 5598 [May 15 1838]. The book
“Divrei Tzadikim” was published after his death. In the book “Three
Flocks of Sheep” (Przemysl 5637 [1877]) the author, Menachem Menli Sofer,
expresses his sorrow that his Hasidim had not been very impressed with him and
did not consider him to be an illustrious figure, but rather as only great in
Torah and piety, while he saw him as one who was divinely inspired. In nearby
Prussia he also had many Hasidim and admirers, as well as among the Admorim of
his generation, such as Rabbi Shloime, the Admor of Chrzanow, the Tzadik,
Rabbi Moshe Biderman of Lelow, and the Tzadik of Dzykow, all of whom were his
enthusiastic admirers.[3]
Another Rabbi and Admor lived in Oshpitzin in the person of Rabbi Shloime
Halberstam (son of Rabbi Meir Noson, the son of the renowned Tzadik, Rabbi
Chaim of Sacz, author of “Divrei Chaim”). It was about 100 years ago that
he was appointed the Rabbi of the city. He was a great Gaon like his
grandfather, Rabbi Chaim of Sacz, and his path in Hasidism was based primarily
on the study of Talmud and Codes. He also excelled as a great philanthropist
and disbursed much money, as his grandfather, Rabbi Chaim did, distributing
hundreds of thousands gold coins to poor Hasidim, while he himself led an
extremely frugal existence. Rabbi Shlomo was from an illustrious lineage, a
great-grandson of Rabbi Boruch Frankel-Thumim of Lipnik, the author of “Tuv
Ta'am”, and other Gaonim. His own genius brought Rabbi Shloime fame as a
Torah Gaon in all of Galicia, and during the years he lived in Oshpitzin he
attracted many Hasidim. Around him gathered most enthusiastic Hasidim who did
not tolerate any new practice or deviation from the accepted norm, and it was
they who brought about the controversy in town. He also conducted a Yeshiva in
town and had many students. The leaders of the Oshpitzin Kehilla tended
towards modernity, and they greatly preferred a Rabbi who was a Maskil. Due to
the controversy with the community leaders he was obliged to relinquish the
Rabbinical post in Oshpitzin, and in 5640 [1880] was appointed the Chief Rabbi
of Wisnicz, near Krakow, where many famous Torah luminaries had served in
earlier times. Rabbi Shloime established a Yeshiva there and he conducted it
for 13 years. The Yeshiva of Wisnicz soon became known as a fountainhead of
Torah, piety, and Hasidism. It produced many outstanding Rabbis, Talmidei
Chachamim and scholars, Hasidim and men of renown. In 5653 [1893], due to a
heart condition, he was obliged to leave the city and move to the city of
Bobowa, near Tarnow, a city endowed with fresh air, and there he founded the
Hasidic dynasty of Bobowa. He died on Tammuz 1 5666 [June 24 1906], and his
son, Rabbi Benzion, was selected to succeed him as the leader of thousands of
Bobower Hasidim. He was remembered with admiration in Oshpitzin also after he
left the city.
During the First World War (5674 - 5678)
Rabbi Shloime'le, the Tzadik of
Sassow, came to live in Oshpitzin, and the town turned into a center of
Sassower Hasidim. He had been raised by his grandfather, Rabbi Sholem, the
Tzadik of Belz, and from him he received his approach to Hasidism. His ways of
dealing with the many people who came to visit were marvelous. The Sassower
Hasidim toiled together studying Torah for its own sake to uncover the
profundities of the Torah and its unwritten secrets. Most of his Hasidim were
outstanding scholars who strove not only to keep the [Mitzvah] “…And thou
shalt study it day and night”, but also to learn, to teach, and to uncover
the hidden aspects of Torah, and it was they who created the spiritual
atmosphere at the court. At the start of the war, Rabbi Shloime'le lived in
Lwow, which was captured by the Russian troops, who in every place that came
under their heel led pogroms against the Jews. In Lwow, too, they murdered
some 40 Jews on the Eve of Yom Kippur 5675 [1914]. The Rebbe did not want to
wander to Austria where there were few traditional Jews, and after the Russian
armies were held back in their advance before Krakow, the Rebbe decided to
stay in Oshpitzin, which was situated right on the German border. In a short
time he succeeded in attracting many Hasidim and to restore his position to
what it had been in Sassow and Lwow. He became renowned as a wonder-worker and
healer of many sick people. His talents for good counsel also came to the
fore. He had an extraordinary memory and remembered the names of his Hasidim
who came to him only rarely. For the Sabbaths and Holidays only his close
circle of Hasidim would come, but on weekdays multitudes would stream to him
from faraway places. He was the Rebbe of the multitudes, and there were many
who came to him from Hungary. At the end of the war he moved back to Lwow, and
shortly thereafter he died there on the 12th
of Adar II 5679
[March 14, 1919] and was buried near the grave of his friend, the Gaon, Rabbi
Yitzchok Shmelkes who had preceded him 13 years earlier. Rabbi Shloime'le
would mention his stay in Oshpitzin with great affection.
Also the Rabbi,
R’ Elazar HaLevi Rosenfeld, chose the city of
Oshpitzin as his home. He was called the “Admor of Oshpitzin”. He was born
in 5621 [1881], the son of Rabbi Yehoshua, who had been the Av Besdin and
Admor in Kaminka, an outstanding disciple of Rabbi Naftoli, the Tzadik of
Ropszyce. Rabbi Elazar was blessed with the superior talents of memory and a
quick grasp, and at a very young age he was betrothed to the daughter of the
author of “Divrei Chaim” of Sacz when he was still living and who was
delighted with the match. The wedding took place in 5638 [1878], after the
demise of the Sondzer Tzadik, so that he was supported for a time by his
brother-in-law, Rabbi Yitzchok Tuvia, and later by his brother-in-law, Rabbi
Shloime Halberstam of Wisnicz, where he completed his Torah and Rabbinical
studies. At the outset [of his Rabbinical career] he held the Rabbinical post
at Bochnia. From there he relocated to become the Admor of Oshpitzin. His
center of activity was his Bes Medrish where he disseminated Torah and
Hasidism to the many. He became famous in town and was admired by all the
residents from all the Hasidic factions. He himself never went forth from the
confines of Hasidism and the service of God, and his income was very meager.
It never once occurred to him to do anything to improve his situation whether
through business or through secular activities. He did not travel much through
the towns of the district where a great many of the Sondzer Hasidim, and
adherents of the great Rabbi, R'Chaim, lived. This might have increased his
income in some measure and vastly improve his economic status. Even the very
little that he had he would distribute as charity to the poor. He instructed
his household to the scrupulous maintenance of the Sondz and Kaminka customs
without relinquishing in the slightest any of his ancestors' ways. He embarked
from Oshpitzin to live in Jerusalem, where he set up his Bes Medrish near Meah
She'arim. He would pray with great fervor and make his way from time to time
to the Western Wall leaning on the arms of his Hasidim. In Jerusalem he lived
a life of distress and want, and also suffered the pains of illness. His
ailments and advanced age weakened him further. Finally, he acquiesced to the
insistent pleas of his family and came on a visit to Oshpitzin in hopes of
regaining his health and strength and then to return to Jerusalem. Thus, he
returned to Galicia in 5699 [1939]. It seems that Divine Providence had taken
a hand, and that he who had lived a life of purity in Jerusalem should be
afflicted together with his Hasidim in Poland in the evil years of the Shoah
at the very beginning of the outbreak of the Second World War. With the
expulsion of the Jews from Oshpitzin in the month of Nissan 5701 [April 1941]
he moved to nearby Chrzanow where he died and was yet fortunate to be receive
a Jewish burial.
Most of the town's residents were comprised of the Hasidic adherents of Belz,
Sacz, Czortkow, Bobowa, and Radomsko, among others. The overwhelming majority
at the end were Bobower, Belzer, and Radomsker Hasidim. The success of Bobower
Hasidism should be attributed to the fact that the Bobower Tzaddik, Rabbi
Benzion Halberstam, son of Rabbi Shloime, had formerly lived in Oshpitzin,
where he had placed the emphasis on the education of the Haredi youth, and had
established lower Yeshivot towards that end. He maintained close contact with
the young and nurtured their spiritual growth. This relationship also
influenced the parents of these youths in positive directions. When the
national and geographic barriers between Congressional Poland and Galicia fell
in 1918, and Radomsko was no longer beyond the border, Rabbi Shloime Chanoch
Rabinowitz, The Radomsker [Admor] lived in Sosnowice and was also engaged in
setting up Yeshivot named “Keser Torah”. He also did so in Oshpitzin,
where he established an outstanding Yeshiva where many students were educated.
Through this Yeshiva, the Radomsker gained a reputation for Radomsker
Hasidism. The Admorim of Bobowa and other courts would frequently visit
Oshpitzin and were warmly received by all the townspeople.
Many of the townsmen were accustomed to travel to the courts of the various
Tzadikim by train and also by car, and equally there was great activity in the
courts of the Oshpitzin Admorim when the great numbers of Hasidim would come
to be near their Tzadikim and bask in the warmth of the pure prayer and
Hasidic melodies that sweetened the atmosphere. Hasidism knew how to add
content and enthusiasm to prayer and reinforce the undying eternal faith of
Israel.
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FOOTNOTES
-
The legend about the appearance of R’ Elimelech of Lezajsk in Jewish communities
near the Silesian-Prussian border is also current in other localities near
Oshpitzin. Return
-
See the book by Raphael Mahler on the policies of
the Austrian government towards Hasidism in Galicia during the reactionary
period (1815-1848), Chapter 3, pp. 87-131.
Return
-
There are several accounts of the Hasidic Tzadikim
in Oshpitzin, and seemingly due to their modesty their influence and
number of adherents was restricted.
Return
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